From 8b1701049f4dbf2bb7998083954663344f9702af Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: Hugo ter Doest Date: Mon, 26 Jul 2021 15:19:38 +0200 Subject: [PATCH] Repaired Dice Coeffient (issue #603) (#605) * Repaired Dice Coeffient (issue #603) * Lint corrections * Lint corrections --- lib/natural/distance/dice_coefficient.js | 77 +++++++------------ spec/dice_coefficient_spec.js | 6 ++ .../Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json | 3 + ...dia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json | 3 + 4 files changed, 41 insertions(+), 48 deletions(-) create mode 100644 spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json create mode 100644 spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json diff --git a/lib/natural/distance/dice_coefficient.js b/lib/natural/distance/dice_coefficient.js index 36b15a2c6..75db0dd1d 100644 --- a/lib/natural/distance/dice_coefficient.js +++ b/lib/natural/distance/dice_coefficient.js @@ -1,5 +1,5 @@ /* -Copyright (c) 2011, John Crepezzi, Chris Umbel +Copyright (c) 2021, Hugo W.L. ter Doest Permission is hereby granted, free of charge, to any person obtaining a copy of this software and associated documentation files (the "Software"), to deal @@ -22,63 +22,44 @@ THE SOFTWARE. 'use strict' -// Get all of the pairs of letters for a string -const letterPairs = function (str) { - if (str.length === 0) { - return [] +function getBigrams (str) { + let str1 = str + // pad with a space if str consists of one character + if (str.length === 1) { + str1 = str + ' ' } - const numPairs = str.length - 1 - const pairs = new Array(numPairs) - for (let i = 0; i < numPairs; i++) { - pairs[i] = str.substring(i, i + 2) + const bigrams = new Set() + const length = str1.length + for (let i = 0; i < length - 1; i++) { + const bigram = str1.slice(i, i + 2) + bigrams.add(bigram) } - return pairs + return bigrams } -// Get all of the pairs in all of the words for a string -const wordLetterPairs = function (str) { - const allPairs = []; let pairs - const words = str.split(/\s+/) - for (let i = 0; i < words.length; i++) { - pairs = letterPairs(words[i]) - allPairs.push.apply(allPairs, pairs) - } - return allPairs +function intersect (set1, set2) { + const intersection = new Set() + set1.forEach(value => { + if (set2.has(value)) { + intersection.add(value) + } + }) + return intersection } // Perform some sanitization steps -const sanitize = function (str) { - return str.toLowerCase().replace(/^\s+|\s+$/g, '') +function sanitize (str) { + // Turn characters to lower string, remove space at the beginning and end, + // replace multiple spaces in the middle by single spaces + return str.toLowerCase().replace(/^\s+|\s+$/g, '').replace(/s+/g, ' ') } -// Compare two strings, and spit out a number from 0-1 -const compare = function (str1, str2) { +function diceCoefficient (str1, str2) { const sanitizedStr1 = sanitize(str1) const sanitizedStr2 = sanitize(str2) - const pairs1 = wordLetterPairs(sanitizedStr1) - const pairs2 = wordLetterPairs(sanitizedStr2) - let intersection = 0; const union = pairs1.length + pairs2.length - if (union === 0) { - if (sanitizedStr1 === sanitizedStr2) { - return 1 - } else { - return 0 - } - } else { - let i, j, pair1, pair2 - for (i = 0; i < pairs1.length; i++) { - pair1 = pairs1[i] - for (j = 0; j < pairs2.length; j++) { - pair2 = pairs2[j] - if (pair1 === pair2) { - intersection++ - delete pairs2[j] - break - } - } - } - return 2 * intersection / union - } + const bigrams1 = getBigrams(sanitizedStr1) + const bigrams2 = getBigrams(sanitizedStr2) + return (2 * intersect(bigrams1, bigrams2).size) / (bigrams1.size + bigrams2.size) } -module.exports = compare +module.exports = diceCoefficient diff --git a/spec/dice_coefficient_spec.js b/spec/dice_coefficient_spec.js index 2fed3ef1d..aede7a124 100644 --- a/spec/dice_coefficient_spec.js +++ b/spec/dice_coefficient_spec.js @@ -28,4 +28,10 @@ describe('dice', function () { it('should sanitize spacing', function () { expect(dice('the space', 'the space')).toBe(1) }) + + it('should compare complete texts', function () { + const text1 = require('./test_data/Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json').text + const text2 = require('./test_data/Wikipedia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json').text + expect(dice(text1, text2)).toBe(0.7897503285151117) + }) }) diff --git a/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json b/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json new file mode 100644 index 000000000..ebf3e702a --- /dev/null +++ b/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_FrenchRevolution.json @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +{ + "text": "{{Short description|Revolution in France from 1789 to 1799}}\r\n{{other uses|French Revolution (disambiguation)|La r\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise (disambiguation)}}\r\n{{pp-semi-indef}}\r\n{{pp-move-indef}}\r\n{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2019}}\r\n{{Use British English|date=September 2016}}\r\n{{Infobox historical event\r\n|Event_Name = French Revolution\r\n|partof = the [[Atlantic Revolutions]]\r\n|Image_Name = Anonymous - Prise de la Bastille.jpg\r\n|Image_Caption = The [[Storming of the Bastille]], 14 July 1789\r\n|Location = [[Kingdom of France]]\r\n|Date = {{start and end dates|1789|5|5|1799|11|9|df=yes}}
({{Age in months, weeks and days|month1=05|day1=5|year1=1789|month2=11|day2=9|year2=1799}})\r\n|Result =\r\n* Abolition of the ''[[Ancien R\u00E9gime]]'' and creation of [[constitutional monarchy]]\r\n* Proclamation of [[First French Republic]] in September 1792\r\n* [[Reign of Terror]] and [[Execution of Louis XVI]]\r\n* Radical social and political change\r\n* [[French Revolutionary Wars]]\r\n* Establishment of the [[French Consulate]] in November 1799\r\n}}\r\n{{history of France}}\r\n{{revolution sidebar}}\r\n{{monarchism}}\r\n{{republicanism sidebar}}\r\nThe '''French Revolution''' ({{Lang-fr|R\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise}} {{IPA-fr|\u0281ev\u0254lysj\u0254\u0303 f\u0281\u0251\u0303s\u025B\u02D0z|}}) was a period of [[revolution|fundamental political and societal change]] in [[France]] that began with the [[Estates General of 1789]] and ended in [[coup of 18 Brumaire|November 1799]] with the formation of the [[French Consulate]]. Many of its ideas are considered fundamental principles of [[Western culture|Western]] [[liberal democracy]].{{sfn|Livesey|2001|p=19}}\r\n\r\nBetween 1700 and 1789, the French population increased from 18 million to 26 million, leading to large numbers of unemployed, accompanied by sharp increases in [[food prices]] caused by years of bad harvests.{{sfn|Fursenko|McArthur|1976|p=484}} Widespread social distress led to the [[convocation]] of the Estates General in May 1789, the first since 1614. In June, the Estates were converted into a [[National Assembly (French Revolution)|National Assembly]], which passed a series of radical measures, among them the [[Abolition of feudalism in France|abolition of feudalism]], state control of the [[Catholic Church in France|Catholic Church]] and extending the right to vote.\r\n\r\nThe next three years were dominated by the struggle for political control, exacerbated by [[economic depression]] and [[social unrest]]. External powers like [[Habsburg Monarchy|Austria]], [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Britain]] and [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussia]] viewed the Revolution as a threat, leading to the outbreak of the [[French Revolutionary Wars]] in April 1792. Disillusionment with [[Louis XVI of France|Louis XVI]] led to the establishment of the [[First French Republic]] on 22 September 1792, followed by his [[Execution of Louis XVI|execution]] in January 1793. In June, [[Insurrection of 31 May \u2013 2 June 1793|an uprising in Paris]] replaced the [[Girondins]] who dominated the [[National Legislative Assembly (France)|National Assembly]] with the [[Committee of Public Safety]], headed by [[Maximilien Robespierre]].\r\n\r\nThis sparked the [[Reign of Terror]], an attempt to eradicate alleged \"[[counter-revolutionaries]]\"; by the time it [[Thermidorian Reaction|ended in July 1794]], over 16,600 had been executed in Paris and the provinces. As well as external enemies, the Republic faced a series of internal Royalist and [[Jacobin]] revolts; in order to deal with these, the [[French Directory]] took power in November 1795. Despite military success, the war led to [[economic stagnation]] and internal divisions, and in November 1799 the Directory was replaced by the Consulate.\r\n\r\nMany Revolutionary symbols such as ''[[La Marseillaise]]'' and phrases like ''[[Libert\u00E9, \u00E9galit\u00E9, fraternit\u00E9]]'' reappeared in other revolts, such as the 1917 [[Russian Revolution]].{{sfn|Shlapentokh|1996|pp=61\u201376}} Over the next two centuries, its key principles like equality would inspire campaigns for [[abolitionism|the abolition of slavery]] and [[universal suffrage]].{{sfn|Desan|Hunt|Nelson|2013|pp=3,8,10}} Its values and institutions dominate French politics to this day, and many historians regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in Western history.{{sfn|Feh\u00E9r|1990|pp=117\u2013130}}\r\n\r\n== Causes ==\r\n[[File:Antoine-Fran\u00E7ois Callet - Louis XVI, roi de France et de Navarre (1754-1793), rev\u00EAtu du grand costume royal en 1779 - Google Art Project.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[Louis XVI of France|Louis XVI]], who came to the throne in 1774]]\r\n{{Main|Causes of the French Revolution}}\r\n\r\nHistorians generally view the underlying [[causes of the French Revolution]] as the result of the ''[[Ancien R\u00E9gime]]'s'' failure to manage [[Social inequality|social]] and [[economic inequality]]. Rapid population growth and the inability to adequately finance [[government debt]] resulted in economic depression, unemployment and high food prices.{{sfn|Sargent|Velde|1995|pp=474\u2013518}} These combined with a [[regressive tax]] system and resistance to reform by the ruling elite to produce a crisis [[Louis XVI of France|Louis XVI]] proved unable to manage.{{sfn|Baker|1978|pp=279\u2013303}}{{sfn|Jordan|2004|pp=11\u201312}}\r\n\r\nFrom the late 17th century on, political and cultural debate became part of wider European society, rather than being confined to a small [[elite]]. This took different forms, such as the English '[[English coffeehouses in the 17th and 18th centuries|coffeehouse culture]]', and extended to areas colonised by Europeans, particularly [[British North America]]. Contacts between diverse groups in [[Edinburgh]], [[Geneva]], [[Boston]], [[Amsterdam]], [[Paris]], [[London]] or [[Vienna]] were much greater than often appreciated.{{sfn|Jourdan|2007|pp=184-185}}\r\n\r\nTransnational elites who shared ideas and styles were not new; what changed was their extent and the numbers involved.{{sfn|Jourdan|2007|p=187}} Under [[Louis XIV of France|Louis XIV]], the Court at [[Palace of Versailles|Versailles]] was the centre of culture, fashion and political power. Improvements in education and literacy over the course of the 18th century meant larger audiences for newspapers and journals, with [[Masonic lodges]], coffee houses and reading clubs providing areas where people could debate and discuss ideas. The emergence of this so-called \"[[public sphere]]\" led to Paris replacing Versailles as the cultural and intellectual centre, leaving the Court isolated and less able to influence opinion.{{sfn|Blanning|1997|p=26}}\r\n\r\nIn addition to these social changes, the French population grew from 18 million in 1700 to 26 million in 1789, making it the most populous state in Europe; Paris had over 600,000 inhabitants, of whom roughly one third were either unemployed or had no regular work.{{sfn|Garrioch|1994|p=524}} Inefficient agricultural methods meant domestic farmers could not support these numbers, while primitive transportation networks made it hard to maintain supplies even when there was sufficient. As a result, food prices rose by 65% between 1770 and 1790, yet real wages increased by only 22%.{{sfn|Hufton|1983|p=304}} Food shortages were particularly damaging for the regime, since many blamed price increases on government failure to prevent profiteering.{{sfn|Tilly|1983|p=333}} By the spring of 1789, a poor harvest followed by a severe winter had created a rural [[Peasant|peasantry]] with nothing to sell, and an urban [[proletariat]] whose purchasing power had collapsed.{{sfn|Tilly|1983|p=337}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Europe 1783-1792 en.png|thumb|right|upright=1.0|By 1789, France was the [[Demographics of France|most populous]] country in Europe.]]\r\n\r\nThe other major drag on the economy was state debt. Traditional views of the French Revolution often attribute the financial crisis to the costs of the [[Anglo-French War (1778\u20131783)|1778\u20131783 Anglo-French War]], but modern economic studies show this is only a partial explanation. In 1788, the ratio of debt to [[gross national income]] in France was 55.6%, compared to 181.8% in Britain, and although French borrowing costs were higher, the percentage of revenue devoted to interest payments was roughly the same in both countries.{{sfn|Weir|1989|p=98}} One historian concludes \"neither the level of French state debt in 1788, or its previous history, can be considered an explanation for the outbreak of revolution in 1789\".{{sfn|Weir|1989|p=101}}\r\n\r\nThe problem was French taxes were predominantly paid by the urban and rural poor, while attempts to share the burden more equally were blocked by the regional ''[[parlement]]s'' which controlled financial policy.{{sfn|Doyle|2002|pp=45\u201349}} The resulting impasse in the face of widespread economic distress led to the calling of the [[Estates General of 1789|Estates-General]], which became radicalised by the struggle for control of public finances.{{sfn|Weir|1989|p=96}}\r\n\r\nAlthough not indifferent to the crisis, when faced with opposition Louis XVI tended to back down.{{sfn|Doyle|2002|p=48}} The court became the target of popular anger, especially Queen [[Marie-Antoinette]], who was viewed as a spendthrift [[Habsburg Monarchy|Austrian]] spy, and blamed for the dismissal of 'progressive' ministers like [[Jacques Necker]]. For their opponents, [[Age of Enlightenment|Enlightenment]] ideas on equality and democracy provided an intellectual framework for dealing with these issues, while the [[American Revolution]] was seen as confirmation of their practical application.{{sfn|Doyle|2002|pp=73\u201374}}\r\n\r\n== Crisis of the ''Ancien R\u00E9gime'' ==\r\n=== Financial crisis ===\r\n[[File:Parliaments and Sovereign Councils of the Kingdom of France in 1789 (fr).png|left|thumb|upright=1.0|The regional ''Parlements'' in 1789; note area covered by the [[Parlement de Paris]]]]\r\n\r\nThe French state faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century, caused primarily by structural deficiencies rather than lack of resources. Unlike Britain, where [[Parliament of Great Britain|Parliament]] determined both expenditures and taxes, in France, the Crown controlled spending, but not revenue.{{sfn|White|1995|p=229}} National taxes could only be approved by the [[Estates General (France)|Estates-General]], which had not sat since 1614; its revenue functions had been assumed by regional ''[[parlement]]s'', the most powerful being the ''[[Parlement de Paris]]' (see Map).{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=109-112}}\r\n\r\nAlthough willing to authorise one-time taxes, these bodies were reluctant to pass long-term measures, while collection was outsourced to [[Ferme g\u00E9n\u00E9rale#The Ferme g\u00E9n\u00E9rale (1726\u201390)|private individuals]]. This significantly reduced the yield from those that were approved and as a result, France struggled to service its debt despite being larger and wealthier than Britain.{{sfn|White|1995|p=229}} Following partial [[Default (finance)|default]] in 1770, reforms were instituted by [[Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de Laune|Turgot]], the [[Controller-General of Finances|Finance Minister]], which by 1776 had balanced the budget and reduced government borrowing costs from 12% per year to under 6%. Despite this success, he was dismissed in May 1776 after arguing France could not afford intervention in North America.{{sfn|White|1995|p=230}}\r\n\r\nHe was succeeded by Swiss Protestant [[Jacques Necker]], who was replaced in 1781 by [[Charles Alexandre de Calonne|Charles de Calonne]].{{sfn|Hibbert|1982|p=35}} The war was financed by state debt, creating a large ''[[Rentier capitalism|rentier]]'' class who lived on the interest, primarily members of the French nobility or commercial classes. By 1785 the government was struggling to cover these payments and since default would ruin much of French society, this meant increasing taxes. When the ''parlements'' refused to comply, Calonne persuaded Louis to summon the [[Assembly of Notables]], an advisory council dominated by the upper nobility. The council refused, arguing this could only be approved by the Estates, and in May 1787 Calonne was replaced by the man responsible, [[\u00C9tienne Charles de Lom\u00E9nie de Brienne|de Brienne]], a former [[archbishop of Toulouse]].{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=287-292}} {{efn|In 1781, Louis allegedly refused to appoint him Archbishop of Paris on the grounds 'an Archbishop should at least believe in God'.{{sfn|Bredin|1988|p=42}}}} By 1788, debt owed by the French Crown totalled an unprecedented 4.5 billion [[Livre tournois|livres]], while devaluing the coinage caused runaway inflation.{{sfn|Gershoy|1957|p=16-17, 23}} In an effort to resolve the crisis, Necker was re-appointed Finance Minister in August 1788 but was unable to reach an agreement on how to increase revenue and in May 1789 Louis summoned the [[Estates General of 1789 in France|Estates-General]] for the first time in over a hundred and fifty years.{{sfn|Doyle|1990|p=93}}\r\n\r\n=== Estates-General of 1789 ===\r\n{{main|Estates General of 1789 in France}}\r\n[[File:Troisordres.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.7|Caricature of the Third Estate carrying the First Estate (clergy) and the Second Estate (nobility) on its back]]\r\n\r\nThe Estates-General was divided into three parts; the [[Estates of the realm#First Estate|First]] for members of the clergy, [[Estates of the realm#Second Estate|Second]] for the nobility, and [[Estates of the realm#Third Estate|Third]] for the \"commons\".{{sfn|Hunt|1984|pp=6-10}} Each sat separately, enabling the First and Second Estates to outvote the Third, despite representing less than 5% of the population, while both were largely exempt from tax.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=115}}\r\n\r\nIn the 1789 elections, the First Estate returned 303 deputies, representing 100,000 Catholic clergy; nearly 10% of French lands were owned directly by individual bishops and monasteries, in addition to [[tithes]] paid by peasants.{{sfn|Doyle|1990|p=59}} More than two-thirds of the clergy lived on less than 500 livres per year, and were often closer to the urban and rural poor than those elected for the Third Estate, where voting was restricted to male French taxpayers, aged 25 or over.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=335}} As a result, half of the 610 deputies elected to the Third Estate in 1789 were lawyers or local officials, nearly a third businessmen, while fifty-one were wealthy land owners.{{sfn|Doyle|1990|pp=99-101}}\r\n\r\nThe Second Estate elected 291 deputies, representing about 400,000 men and women, who owned about 25% of the land and collected seigneurial dues and rents from their tenants. Like the clergy, this was not a uniform body, and was divided into the ''[[Nobles of the Sword|noblesse d'\u00E9p\u00E9e]]'', or traditional aristocracy, and the ''[[Nobles of the robe|noblesse de robe]]''. The latter derived rank from judicial or administrative posts and tended to be hard-working professionals, who dominated the regional ''parlements'' and were often intensely socially conservative.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=116-117}}\r\n\r\nTo assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as ''[[Cahiers de dol\u00E9ances]]''.{{sfn|Frey|Frey|2004|pp=4-5}} Although they contained ideas that would have seemed radical only months before, most supported the monarchy, and assumed the Estates-General would agree to financial reforms, rather than fundamental constitutional change.{{sfn|Doyle|2001|p=38}} The lifting of press censorship allowed widespread distribution of political writings, mostly written by liberal members of the aristocracy and upper middle-class.{{sfn|Neely|2008|p=56}} [[Abb\u00E9 Siey\u00E8s]], a political theorist and priest elected to the Third Estate, argued it should take precedence over the other two as it represented 95% of the population.{{sfn|Furet|1995|p=45}}\r\n\r\nThe Estates-General convened in the [[Menus-Plaisirs du Roi]] on 5 May 1789, near the [[Palace of Versailles]] rather than in Paris; the choice of location was interpreted as an attempt to control their debates. As was customary, each Estate assembled in separate rooms, whose furnishings and opening ceremonies deliberately emphasised the superiority of the First and Second Estates. They also insisted on enforcing the rule that only those who owned land could sit as deputies for the Second Estate, and thus excluded the immensely popular [[Honor\u00E9 Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau|Comte de Mirabeau]].{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=343}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Estatesgeneral.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|Meeting of the Estates General on 5 May 1789 at Versailles]]\r\n\r\nAs separate assemblies meant the Third Estate could always be outvoted by the other two, Siey\u00E8s sought to combine all three. His method was to require all deputies be approved by the Estates-General as a whole, instead of each Estate verifying its own members. Since this meant the legitimacy of deputies derived from the Estates-General, they would have to continue sitting as one body.{{sfn|Hibbert|1982|p=54}} After an extended stalemate, on 10 June the Third Estate proceeded to verify its own deputies, a process completed on 17 June; two days later, they were joined by over 100 members of the First Estate, and declared themselves the [[National Assembly (French Revolution)|National Assembly]]. The remaining deputies from the other two Estates were invited to join, but the Assembly made it clear they intended to legislate with or without their support.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=354-355}}\r\n\r\nIn an attempt to prevent the Assembly from convening, Louis XVI ordered the ''Salle des \u00C9tats'' closed down, claiming it needed to be prepared for a royal speech. On 20 June, the Assembly met in a tennis court outside Versailles and [[Tennis Court Oath|swore]] not to disperse until a new constitution had been agreed. Messages of support poured in from Paris and other cities; by 27 June, they had been joined by the majority of the First Estate, plus forty-seven members of the Second, and Louis backed down.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=356}}\r\n\r\n== Constitutional monarchy (July 1789 \u2013 September 1792) ==\r\n=== Abolition of the ''Ancien R\u00E9gime'' ===\r\n{{main|Storming of the Bastille}}\r\nEven these limited reforms went too far for Marie Antoinette and Louis' younger brother the [[Charles X of France|Comte d'Artois]]; on their advice, Louis dismissed Necker again as chief minister on 11 July.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=357-358}} On 12 July, the Assembly went into a non-stop session after rumours circulated he was planning to use the [[Swiss Guards]] to force it to close. The news brought crowds of protestors into the streets, and soldiers of the elite ''[[Gardes Fran\u00E7aises]]'' regiment refused to disperse them.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=380-382}}\r\n\r\nOn the 14th, many of these soldiers joined the mob in attacking the [[Bastille]], a royal fortress with large stores of arms and ammunition. The governor [[Bernard-Ren\u00E9 de Launay|de Launay]] surrendered after several hours of fighting that cost the lives of 83 attackers. Taken to the ''[[H\u00F4tel de Ville, Paris|H\u00F4tel de Ville]]'', he was executed, his head placed on a pike and paraded around the city; the fortress was then torn down in a remarkably short time. Although rumoured to hold many prisoners, the Bastille held only seven: four forgers, two noblemen held for \"immoral behaviour\", and a murder suspect. Nevertheless, as a potent symbol of the ''[[Ancien R\u00E9gime]]'', its destruction was viewed as a triumph and [[Bastille Day]] is still celebrated every year.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=404-405}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Prise de la Bastille.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|The [[Storming of the Bastille]] on 14 July 1789; the iconic event of the Revolution, still commemorated each year as [[Bastille Day]]]]\r\n\r\nAlarmed by the prospect of losing control of the capital, Louis appointed [[Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette|Lafayette]] commander of the [[Garde Nationale|National Guard]], with [[Jean-Sylvain Bailly]] as head of a new administrative structure known as the [[Paris Commune (French Revolution)|Commune]]. On 17 July, he visited Paris accompanied by 100 deputies, where he was greeted by Bailly and accepted a [[Flag of France|tricolore]] [[cockade]] to loud cheers. However, it was clear power had shifted from his court; he was welcomed as 'Louis XVI, father of the French and king of a free people.'{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=423-424}}\r\n\r\nThe short-lived unity enforced on the Assembly by a common threat quickly dissipated. Deputies argued over constitutional forms, while civil authority rapidly deteriorated. On 22 July, former Finance Minister [[Joseph Foullon de Dou\u00E9|Joseph Foullon]] and his son were lynched by a Parisian mob, and neither Bailly nor Lafayette could prevent it. In rural areas, wild rumours and paranoia resulted in the formation of militia and an agrarian insurrection known as ''[[Great Fear|la Grande Peur]]''.{{sfn|Hibbert|1982|p=93}} The breakdown of law and order and frequent attacks on aristocratic property led much of the nobility to flee abroad. These ''[[\u00E9migr\u00E9]]s'' funded reactionary forces within France and urged foreign monarchs to back a [[counter-revolution]].{{sfn|Lefebvre|1962|pp=187\u2013188}}\r\n\r\nIn response, the Assembly published the [[August Decrees]] which [[Abolition of feudalism in France|abolished feudalism]] and other privileges held by the nobility, notably exemption from tax. Other decrees included equality before the law, opening public office to all, freedom of worship, and cancellation of special privileges held by provinces and towns.{{sfn|Lefebvre|1962|p=130}} Over 25% of French farmland was subject to [[Manorialism|feudal dues]], which provided most of the income for large landowners; these were now cancelled, along with [[tithe]]s due to the church. The intention was for tenants to pay compensation for these losses but the majority refused to comply and the obligation was cancelled in 1793.{{sfn|Forster|1967|pp=71\u201386}}\r\n\r\nWith the suspension of the 13 regional ''parlements'' in November, the key institutional pillars of the old regime had all been abolished in less than four months. From its early stages, the Revolution therefore displayed signs of its radical nature; what remained unclear was the constitutional mechanism for turning intentions into practical applications.{{sfn|Furet|Ozouf|1989|p=112}}\r\n\r\n=== Creating a new constitution ===\r\nAssisted by [[Thomas Jefferson]], Lafayette prepared a draft constitution known as the [[Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen]], which echoed some of the provisions of the [[United States Declaration of Independence|Declaration of Independence]]. However France had reached no consensus on the role of the Crown, and until this question was settled, it was impossible to create political institutions. When presented to the legislative committee on 11 July, it was rejected by pragmatists such as [[Jean Joseph Mounier]], President of the Assembly, who feared creating expectations that could not be satisfied.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=442-444}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Declaration of Human Rights.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|The [[Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen]] of 26 August 1789]]\r\n\r\nAfter editing by Mirabeau, it was published on 26 August as a statement of principle.{{sfn|Baker|1995|pp=154-196}} It contained provisions considered radical in any European society, let alone 1789 France, and while historians continue to debate responsibility for its wording, most agree the reality is a mix. Although Jefferson made major contributions to Lafayette's draft, he himself acknowledged an intellectual debt to [[Montesquieu]], and the final version was significantly different.{{sfn|Ludwikowski|1990|pp=452-453}} French historian [[Georges Lefebvre]] argues that combined with the elimination of privilege and [[feudalism]], it \"highlighted equality in a way the (American Declaration of Independence) did not\".{{sfn|Lefebvre|1962|p=146}}\r\n\r\nMore importantly, the two differed in intent; Jefferson saw the [[Constitution of the United States|US Constitution]] and [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]] as fixing the political system at a specific point in time, claiming they 'contained no original thought...but expressed the American mind' at that stage.{{sfn|Jefferson|1903|p=May 8, 1825}} The 1791 French Constitution was viewed as a starting point, the Declaration providing an aspirational vision, a key difference between the two Revolutions. Attached as a preamble to the [[French Constitution of 1791]], and that of the 1870 to 1940 [[French Third Republic]], it was incorporated into the current [[Constitution of France]] in 1958.{{sfn|Fremont-Barnes|2007|p=190}}\r\n\r\nDiscussions continued. Mounier, supported by conservatives like [[G\u00E9rard de Lally-Tollendal]], wanted a [[bicameral]] system, with an [[upper house]] appointed by the king, who would have the right of veto. On 10 September, the majority led by Siey\u00E8s and [[Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-P\u00E9rigord|Talleyrand]] rejected this in favour of a single assembly, while Louis retained only a \"[[suspensive veto]]\"; this meant he could delay the implementation of a law, but not block it. On this basis, a new committee was convened to agree on a constitution; the most controversial issue was [[citizenship]], linked to the debate on the balance between individual rights and obligations. Ultimately, the 1791 Constitution distinguished between 'active citizens' who held political rights, defined as French males over the age of 25, who paid direct taxes equal to three days' labour, and 'passive citizens', who were restricted to 'civil rights'. As a result, it was never fully accepted by radicals in the [[Jacobin club]].{{sfn|Ludwikowski|1990|pp=456-457}}\r\n\r\nFood shortages and the worsening economy caused frustration at the lack of progress, and the Parisian working-class, or ''[[sans culottes]]'', became increasingly restive. This came to a head in late September, when the Flanders Regiment arrived in Versailles to take over as the royal bodyguard and in line with normal practice were welcomed with a ceremonial banquet. Popular anger was fuelled by press descriptions of this as a 'gluttonous orgy', and claims the tricolor cockade had been abused. The arrival of these troops was also viewed as an attempt to intimidate the Assembly.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=459-460}}\r\n\r\nOn 5 October 1789, crowds of women assembled outside the [[H\u00F4tel de Ville, Paris|H\u00F4tel de Ville]], urging action to reduce prices and improve bread supplies.{{sfn|Doyle|1990|p=121}} These protests quickly turned political, and after seizing weapons stored at the H\u00F4tel de Ville, some 7,000 [[Women's March on Versailles|marched on Versailles]], where they entered the Assembly to present their demands. They were followed by 15,000 members of the National Guard under Lafayette, who tried to dissuade them, but took command when it became clear they would desert if he did not grant their request.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=460-463}}\r\n\r\nWhen the National Guard arrived later that evening, Lafayette persuaded Louis the safety of his family required relocation to Paris. Next morning, some of the protestors broke into the Royal apartments, searching for Marie Antoinette, who escaped. They ransacked the palace, killing several guards. Although the situation remained tense, order was eventually restored, and the Royal family and Assembly left for Paris, escorted by the National Guard.{{sfn|Doyle|1990|p=122}} Announcing his acceptance of the August Decrees and the Declaration, Louis committed to [[constitutional monarchy]], and his official title changed from 'King of France' to 'King of the French'.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=470}}\r\n\r\n=== Revolution and the church ===\r\n\r\nHistorian [[John McManners]] argues \"in eighteenth-century France, throne and altar were commonly spoken of as in close alliance; their simultaneous collapse ... would one day provide the final proof of their interdependence.\" One suggestion is that after a century of persecution, some [[Huguenots|French Protestants]] actively supported an anti-Catholic regime, a resentment fuelled by Enlightenment thinkers such as [[Voltaire]].{{sfn|Censer|Hunt|2001|p=16}} Philosopher [[Jean-Jacques Rousseau]] wrote it was \"manifestly contrary to the law of nature... that a handful of people should gorge themselves with superfluities while the hungry multitude goes in want of necessities.\"{{sfn|Hunt|Martin|Rosenwein|2003|p=625}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Decret de l'Assembl\u00E9e National qui supprime les Ordres Religieux et Religieuses.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|In this caricature, monks and nuns enjoy their new freedom after the decree of 16 February 1790.]]\r\n\r\nThe Revolution caused a massive shift of power from the Catholic Church to the state; although the extent of religious belief has been questioned, elimination of tolerance for religious minorities meant by 1789 being French also meant being Catholic.{{sfn|Betros|2010|pp=16\u201321}} The church was the largest individual landowner in France, controlling nearly 10% of all estates and levied [[tithe]]s, effectively a 10% tax on income, collected from peasant farmers in the form of crops. In return, it provided a minimal level of social support.{{sfn|Censer|Hunt|2001|p=4}}\r\n\r\nThe August decrees abolished tithes, and on 2 November the Assembly confiscated all church property, the value of which was used to back a new paper currency known as ''[[assignats]]''. In return, the state assumed responsibilities such as paying the clergy and caring for the poor, the sick and the orphaned.{{sfn|McManners|1969|p=27}} On 13 February 1790, religious orders and [[monasteries]] were dissolved, while [[monk]]s and [[nun]]s were encouraged to return to private life.{{sfn|Censer|Hunt|2001|p=92}}\r\n\r\nThe [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] of 12 July 1790 made them employees of the state, as well as establishing rates of pay and a system for electing priests and bishops. [[Pope Pius VI]] and many French Catholics objected to this since it denied the authority of the [[Pope]] over the French Church. In October, thirty [[Bishop (Catholic Church)|bishops]] wrote a declaration denouncing the law, further fuelling opposition.{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=58-87}}\r\n\r\nWhen clergy were required to swear loyalty to the Civil Constitution in November 1790, it split the church between the 24% who complied, and the majority who refused.{{sfn|Kennedy|1989|p=151}} This stiffened popular resistance against state interference, especially in traditionally Catholic areas such as [[Normandy]], [[Brittany (administrative region)|Brittany]] and the [[Vend\u00E9e]], where only a few priests took the oath and the civilian population turned against the revolution.{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=58-87}} The result was state-led persecution of \"[[Refractory clergy]]\", many of whom were forced into exile, deported, or executed.{{sfn|Censer|Hunt|2001|p=61}}\r\n\r\n===Political divisions===\r\nThe period from October 1789 to spring 1791 is usually seen as one of relative tranquility, when some of the most important legislative reforms were enacted. While certainly true, many provincial areas experienced conflict over the source of legitimate authority, where officers of the ''Ancien R\u00E9gime'' had been swept away, but new structures were not yet in place. This was less obvious in Paris, since the formation of the National Guard made it the best policed city in Europe, but growing disorder in the provinces inevitably affected members of the Assembly.{{sfn|Scott|1975|pp=861-863}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Federation.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|The ''[[F\u00EAte de la F\u00E9d\u00E9ration]]'' on 14 July 1790 celebrated the establishment of the constitutional monarchy.]]\r\n\r\nCentrists led by Siey\u00E8s, Lafayette, Mirabeau and Bailly created a majority by forging consensus with ''monarchiens'' like Mounier, and independents including [[Adrien Duport]], [[Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave|Barnave]] and [[Alexandre Lameth]]. At one end of the political spectrum, reactionaries like [[Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazal\u00E8s|Cazal\u00E8s]] and [[Jean-Sifrein Maury|Maury]] denounced the Revolution in all its forms, with extremists like [[Maximilien Robespierre]] at the other. He and [[Jean-Paul Marat]] gained increasing support for opposing the criteria for 'active citizens', which had disenfranchised much of the Parisian proletariat. In January 1790, the National Guard tried to arrest Marat for denouncing Lafayette and Bailly as 'enemies of the people'.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=498-499}}\r\n\r\nOn 14 July 1790, celebrations were held throughout France commemorating the fall of the Bastille, with participants swearing an oath of fidelity to 'the nation, the law and the king.' The ''[[F\u00EAte de la F\u00E9d\u00E9ration]]'' in Paris was attended by Louis XVI and his family, with [[Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-P\u00E9rigord|Talleyrand]] performing a [[mass (liturgy)|mass]]. Despite this show of unity, the Assembly was increasingly divided, while external players like the Paris Commune and National Guard competed for power. One of the most significant was the [[Jacobin]] club; originally a forum for general debate, by August 1790 it had over 150 members, split into different factions.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=527-529}}\r\n\r\nThe Assembly continued to develop new institutions; in September 1790, the regional ''Parlements'' were abolished and their legal functions replaced by a new independent judiciary, with [[jury trial]]s for criminal cases. However, moderate deputies were uneasy at popular demands for universal suffrage, labour unions and cheap bread, and over the winter of 1790 and 1791, they passed a series of measures intended to disarm popular radicalism. These included exclusion of poorer citizens from the National Guard, limits on use of petitions and posters, and the June 1791 [[Le Chapelier Law 1791|Le Chapelier Law]] suppressing trade guilds and any form of worker organisation.{{sfn|Tackett|2003|p=478}}\r\n\r\nThe traditional force for preserving law and order was the army, which was increasingly divided between officers, who largely came from the nobility, and ordinary soldiers. In August 1790, the loyalist General [[Fran\u00E7ois Claude Amour, marquis de Bouill\u00E9|Bouill\u00E9]] suppressed a serious mutiny at [[Nancy, France|Nancy]]; although congratulated by the Assembly, he was criticised by Jacobin radicals for the severity of his actions. Growing disorder meant many professional officers either left or became \u00E9migr\u00E9s, further destabilising the institution.{{sfn|Doyle|2009|pp=334\u2013336}}\r\n\r\n===Varennes and after===\r\n{{main|Flight to Varennes}}\r\nHeld in the [[Tuileries Palace]] under virtual house arrest, Louis XVI was urged by his brother and wife to re-assert his independence by taking refuge with Bouill\u00E9, who was based at [[Montm\u00E9dy]] with 10,000 soldiers considered loyal to the Crown.{{sfn|Price|2003|p=170}} The royal family left the palace in disguise on the night of 20 June 1791; late the next day, Louis was recognised as he passed through [[Varennes]], arrested and taken back to Paris. The attempted escape had a profound impact on public opinion; since it was clear Louis had been seeking refuge in Austria, the Assembly now demanded oaths of loyalty to the regime, and began preparing for war, while fear of 'spies and traitors' became pervasive.{{sfn|Tackett|2003|p=473}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Retour Varennes 1791.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.3|After the [[Flight to Varennes]]; the Royal family are escorted back to Paris]]\r\n\r\nDespite calls to replace the monarchy with a republic, Louis retained his position but was generally regarded with acute suspicion and forced to swear allegiance to the constitution. A new decree stated retracting this oath, making war upon the nation, or permitting anyone to do so in his name would be considered abdication. However, radicals led by [[Jacques Pierre Brissot]] prepared a petition demanding his deposition, and on 17 July, an immense crowd gathered in the [[Champ de Mars]] to sign. Led by Lafayette, the National Guard was ordered to \"preserve public order\" and responded to a barrage of stones by [[Champ de Mars massacre|firing into the crowd]], killing between 13 and 50 people.{{sfn|Tackett|2004|pp=148-150}}\r\n\r\nThe massacre badly damaged Lafayette's reputation; the authorities responded by closing radical clubs and newspapers, while their leaders went into exile or hiding, including Marat. {{sfn|Conner|2012|pp=83-85}} On 27 August, [[Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor|Emperor Leopold II]] and [[Frederick William II of Prussia]] issued the [[Declaration of Pillnitz]] declaring their support for Louis, and hinting at an invasion of France on his behalf. In reality, Leopold and Frederick had met to discuss the [[Partitions of Poland]], and the Declaration was primarily made to satisfy Comte d'Artois and other \u00E9migr\u00E9s. Nevertheless, the threat rallied popular support behind the regime.{{sfn|Soboul|1975|pp=226\u2013227}}\r\n\r\nBased on a motion proposed by Robespierre, existing deputies were barred from [[1791 French legislative election|elections]] held in early September for the [[French Legislative Assembly]]. Although Robespierre himself was one of those excluded, his support in the clubs gave him a political power base not available to Lafayette and Bailly, who resigned respectively as head of the National Guard and the Paris Commune. The new laws were gathered together in the [[French Constitution of 1791|1791 Constitution]], and submitted to Louis XVI, who pledged to defend it \"from enemies at home and abroad\". On 30 September, the Constituent Assembly was dissolved, and the Legislative Assembly convened the next day.{{sfn|Lefebvre|1962|p=212}}\r\n\r\n===Fall of the monarchy===\r\n\r\nThe Legislative Assembly is often dismissed by historians as an ineffective body, compromised by divisions over the role of the monarchy which were exacerbated by Louis' resistance to limitations on his powers and attempts to reverse them using external support.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|p=5}} Restricting the franchise to those who paid a minimum amount of tax meant only 4 out of 6 million Frenchmen over 25 were able to vote; it largely excluded the ''sans culottes'' or urban working class, who increasingly saw the new regime as failing to meet their demands for bread and work.{{sfn|Mitchell|1984|pp=356-360}}\r\n\r\nThis meant the new constitution was opposed by significant elements inside and outside the Assembly, itself split into three main groups. 245 members were affiliated with Barnave's ''[[Feuillant (political group)|Feuillants]]'', constitutional monarchists who considered the Revolution had gone far enough, while another 136 were Jacobin leftists who supported a republic, led by Brissot and usually referred to as ''Brissotins''.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=582}} The remaining 345 belonged to ''[[The Plain|La Plaine]]'', a central faction who switched votes depending on the issue; many of whom shared ''Brissotins'' suspicions as to Louis' commitment to the Revolution.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=582}} After Louis officially accepted the new Constitution, one response was recorded as being \"''Vive le roi, s'il est de bon foi!''\", or \"Long live the king \u2013 if he keeps his word\".{{sfn|Thompson|1932|p=77}}\r\n\r\nAlthough a minority, the ''Brissotins'' control of key committees allowed them to focus on two issues, both intended to portray Louis as hostile to the Revolution by provoking him into using his veto. The first concerned \u00E9migr\u00E9s; between October and November, the Assembly approved measures confiscating their property and threatening them with the death penalty.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=586-587}} The second was non-juring priests, whose opposition to the Civil Constitution led to a state of near civil war in southern France, which Bernave tried to defuse by relaxing the more punitive provisions. On 29 November, the Assembly passed a decree giving refractory clergy eight days to comply, or face charges of 'conspiracy against the nation', which even Robespierre viewed as too far, too soon. As expected, Louis vetoed both.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=585-586}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Jacques Bertaux - Prise du palais des Tuileries - 1793.jpg|thumb|upright=1.0|left|The storming of the Tuileries Palace, 10 August 1792]]\r\n\r\nAccompanying this was a campaign for war against Austria and Prussia, also led by Brissot, whose aims have been interpreted as a mixture of cynical calculation and revolutionary idealism. While exploiting popular anti-Austrianism, it reflected a genuine belief in exporting the values of political liberty and popular sovereignty.{{sfn|Lalev\u00E9e|2019|pp=67-70}} Ironically, Marie Antoinette headed a faction within the court that also favoured war, seeing it as a way to win control of the military, and restore royal authority. In December 1791, Louis made a speech in the Assembly giving foreign powers a month to disband the \u00E9migr\u00E9s or face war, which was greeted with enthusiasm by supporters and suspicion from opponents.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=586}}\r\n\r\nBernave's inability to build a consensus in the Assembly resulted in the appointment of a new government, chiefly composed of ''Brissotins''. On 20 April 1792 the [[French Revolutionary Wars]] began when France armies attacked Austrian and Prussian forces along their borders, before suffering a series of [[Louis XVI and the Legislative Assembly#The initial disasters of war|disastrous defeats]]. In an effort to mobilise popular support, the government ordered non-juring priests to swear the oath or be deported, dissolved the [[Constitutional Guard]] and replaced it with 20,000 ''f\u00E9d\u00E9r\u00E9s''; Louis agreed to disband the Guard, but vetoed the other two proposals, while Lafayette called on the Assembly to suppress the clubs.{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=88-117}}\r\n\r\nPopular anger increased when details of the [[Brunswick Manifesto]] reached Paris on 1 August, threatening 'unforgettable vengeance' should any oppose the Allies in seeking to restore the power of the monarchy. [[Insurrection of 10 August 1792|On the morning of 10 August]], a combined force of Parisian National Guard and provincial f\u00E9d\u00E9r\u00E9s attacked the Tuileries Palace, killing many of the [[Swiss Guards|Swiss Guard]] protecting it.{{sfn|Dwyer|2008|pp=99-100}} Louis and his family took refuge with the Assembly and shortly after 11:00 am, the deputies present voted to 'temporarily relieve the king', effectively suspending the monarchy.{{sfn|McPhee|2012|pp=164\u2013166}}\r\n\r\n== First Republic (1792\u20131795) ==\r\n=== Proclamation of the First Republic ===\r\n{{main|National Convention}}\r\n[[File:Execution of Louis XVI.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|[[Execution of Louis XVI]] in the [[Place de la Concorde]], facing the empty pedestal where the statue of his grandfather, [[Louis XV]] previously stood]]\r\n\r\nIn late August, [[1792 French National Convention election|elections]] were held for the [[National Convention]]; voter restrictions meant those cast fell to 3.3 million, versus 4 million in 1791, while intimidation was widespread.{{sfn|Crook|1996 |p=94}} The former ''Brissotins'' now split into moderate ''[[Girondins]]'' led by Brissot, and radical ''[[Montagnard (French Revolution)|Montagnards]]'', headed by [[Maximilien Robespierre]], [[Georges Danton]] and [[Jean-Paul Marat]]. While loyalties constantly shifted, around 160 of the 749 deputies were Girondists, 200 Montagnards and 389 members of ''La Plaine''. Led by [[Bertrand Bar\u00E8re]], [[Pierre Joseph Cambon]] and [[Lazare Carnot]], as before this central faction acted as a [[swing vote]].{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=223-269}}\r\n\r\nIn the [[September Massacres]], between 1,100 to 1,600 prisoners held in Parisian jails were [[extrajudicial killings|summarily executed]], the vast majority of whom were common criminals.{{sfn|Lewis|2002|p=38}} A response to the capture of [[Longwy]] and [[Verdun]] by Prussia, the perpetrators were largely National Guard members and ''[[f\u00E9d\u00E9r\u00E9s]]'' on their way to the front. Responsibility is disputed, but even moderates expressed sympathy for the action, which soon spread to the provinces; the killings reflected widespread concern over social disorder {{sfn|Tackett|2011|pp=54-55}}\r\n\r\nOn 20 September, the French army won a stunning victory over the Prussians at [[Battle of Valmy|Valmy]]. Emboldened by this, on 22 September the Convention replaced the monarchy with the [[French First Republic]] and introduced a new [[French Republican Calendar|calendar]], with 1792 becoming \"Year One\".{{sfn|Bakker|2008|p=49}} The next few months were taken up with the trial of ''Citoyen Louis Capet'', formerly Louis XVI. While the Convention was evenly divided on the question of his guilt, members were increasingly influenced by radicals centred in the Jacobin clubs and Paris Commune. The [[Brunswick Manifesto]] made it easy to portray Louis as a threat to the Revolution, apparently confirmed when extracts from his [[Armoire de fer|personal correspondence]] were published showed him conspiring with Royalist exiles serving in the Prussian and Austrian armies.{{sfn|Barton|1967|pp=146-160}}\r\n\r\nOn 17 January 1793, the Assembly condemned Louis to death for \"conspiracy against public liberty and general safety\", by 361 to 288; another 72 members voted to execute him subject to a variety of delaying conditions. The sentence was carried out on 21 January on the ''Place de la R\u00E9volution'', now the [[Place de la Concorde]].{{sfn|Doyle|1990|p=196}} Horrified conservatives across Europe called for the destruction of revolutionary France; in February the Convention anticipated this by declaring war on [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Britain]] and the [[Dutch Republic]]; these countries were later joined by [[Enlightenment Spain|Spain]], [[Portuguese Empire|Portugal]], [[Kingdom of Naples|Naples]] and the [[Grand Duchy of Tuscany|Tuscany]] in the [[War of the First Coalition]].{{sfn|Wasson|2009|p=118}}\r\n\r\n=== Political crisis and fall of the Girondins ===\r\n\r\nThe Girondins hoped war would unite the people behind the government and provide an excuse for rising prices and food shortages, but found themselves the target of popular anger. Many left for the provinces. The first conscription measure or ''[[lev\u00E9e en masse]]'' on 24 February sparked riots in Paris and other regional centres. Already unsettled by changes imposed on the church, in March the traditionally conservative and royalist [[Vend\u00E9e]] rose in revolt. On 18th, [[Charles Fran\u00E7ois Dumouriez|Dumouriez]] was defeated at [[Battle of Neerwinden (1793)|Neerwinden]] and defected to the Austrians. Uprisings followed in [[Bordeaux]], [[Lyon]], [[Toulon]], [[Marseilles]] and [[Caen]]. The Republic seemed on the verge of collapse.{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=143-173}}\r\n\r\nThe crisis led to the creation on 6 April 1793 of the [[Committee of Public Safety]], an executive committee accountable to the convention.{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=271-312}} The Girondins made a fatal political error by indicting Marat before the [[Revolutionary Tribunal]] for allegedly directing the September massacres; he was quickly acquitted, further isolating the Girondins from the ''sans-culottes''. When [[Jacques H\u00E9bert]] called for a popular revolt against the \"henchmen of Louis Capet\" on 24 May, he was arrested by the [[Commission of Twelve]], a Girondin-dominated tribunal set up to expose 'plots'. In response to protests by the Commune, the Commission warned \"if by your incessant rebellions something befalls the representatives of the nation,...Paris will be obliterated\".{{sfn|Shusterman|2013|pp=143-173}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Jacques-Louis David - La Mort de Marat.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|''[[The Death of Marat]]'' by [[Jacques-Louis David]] (1793)]]\r\n\r\nGrowing discontent allowed the clubs to mobilise against the Girondins. Backed by the Commune and elements of the National Guard, on 31 May they attempted to seize power in a [[Insurrection of 31 May-2 June 1793|coup]]. Although the coup failed, on 2 June the convention was surrounded by a crowd of up to 80,000, demanding cheap bread, unemployment pay and political reforms, including restriction of the vote to the ''sans-culottes'', and the right to remove deputies at will.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=724}} Ten members of the commission and another twenty-nine members of the Girondin faction were arrested, and on 10 June, the Montagnards took over the Committee of Public Safety.{{sfn|Schama|1989|pp=725-726}}\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, a committee led by Robespierre's close ally [[Louis Antoine de Saint-Just|Saint-Just]] was tasked with preparing a new [[French Constitution of 1793|Constitution]]. Completed in only eight days, it was ratified by the convention on 24 June, and contained radical reforms, including [[universal male suffrage]] and abolition of slavery in French colonies. However, normal legal processes were suspended following the assassination of Marat on 13 July by the Girondist [[Charlotte Corday]], which the Committee of Public Safety used as an excuse to take control. The 1793 Constitution itself was suspended indefinitely in October.{{sfn|Kennedy|2000|p=53}}\r\n\r\nKey areas of focus for the new government included creating a new state ideology, economic regulation and winning the war.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=756}} The urgent task of suppressing internal dissent was helped by divisions among their opponents; while areas like the Vend\u00E9e and [[Brittany]] wanted to restore the monarchy, most supported the Republic but opposed the regime in Paris. On 17 August, the Convention voted a second ''lev\u00E9e en masse''; despite initial problems in equipping and supplying such large numbers, by mid-October Republican forces had re-taken Lyon, Marseilles and Bordeaux, while defeating Coalition armies at [[Battle of Hondschoote|Hondschoote]] and [[Battle of Wattignies|Wattignies]].{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=766}}\r\n\r\n=== Reign of Terror ===\r\n{{Main|Reign of Terror}}\r\n[[File:Octobre 1793, supplice de 9 \u00E9migr\u00E9s.jpg|thumb|Nine ''[[French emigration (1789\u20131815)|\u00E9migr\u00E9s]]'' are executed by [[guillotine]], 1793]]\r\nThe [[Reign of Terror]] began as a way to harness revolutionary fervour, but quickly degenerated into the settlement of personal grievances. At the end of July, the Convention set [[General maximum|price controls]] over a wide range of goods, with the death penalty for hoarders, and on 9 September 'revolutionary groups' were established to enforce them. On 17th, the [[Law of Suspects]] ordered the arrest of suspected \"enemies of freedom\", initiating what became known as the \"Terror\". According to archival records, from September 1793 to July 1794 some 16,600 people were executed on charges of counter-revolutionary activity; another 40,000 may have been summarily executed or died awaiting trial.{{sfn|Gough|1998|p=77}}\r\n\r\nFixed prices, death for 'hoarders' or 'profiteers', and confiscation of grain stocks by groups of armed workers meant that by early September Paris was suffering acute food shortages. However, France's biggest challenge was servicing the huge public debt inherited from the former regime, which continued to expand due to the war. Initially the debt was financed by sales of confiscated property, but this was hugely inefficient; since few would buy assets that might be repossessed, fiscal stability could only be achieved by continuing the war until French counter-revolutionaries had been defeated. As internal and external threats to the Republic increased, the position worsened; dealing with this by printing ''[[assignats]]'' led to inflation and higher prices.{{sfn|White|1995|p=242}}\r\n\r\nOn 10 October, the Convention recognised the Committee of Public Safety as the supreme [[National Convention#Revolutionary government|Revolutionary Government]], and suspended the Constitution until peace was achieved.{{sfn|Kennedy|2000|p=53}} In mid-October, Marie Antoinette was found guilty of a long list of crimes and guillotined; two weeks later, the Girondist leaders arrested in June were also executed, along with [[Louis Philippe II, Duke of Orl\u00E9ans|Philippe \u00C9galit\u00E9]]. Terror was not confined to Paris; over 2,000 were killed after the recapture of Lyons.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=784}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Georges Danton.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[Georges Danton]]; Robespierre's close friend and ''Montagnard'' leader, executed 5 April 1794]]\r\n\r\nAt [[Second Battle of Cholet|Cholet]] on 17 October, the Republican army won a decisive victory over the [[War in the Vend\u00E9e|Vend\u00E9e rebels]], and the survivors escaped into Brittany. Another defeat at [[Battle of Le Mans (1793)|Le Mans]] on 23 December ended the rebellion as a major threat, although the insurgency continued until 1796. The extent of the brutal repression that followed has been debated by French historians since the mid-19th century.{{sfn|Cough|1987|pp=977-988}} Between November 1793 to February 1794, over 4,000 were [[Drownings at Nantes|drowned in the Loire at Nantes]] under the supervision of [[Jean-Baptiste Carrier]]. Historian Reynald Secher claims that as many as 117,000 died between 1793 and 1796. Although those numbers have been challenged, [[Fran\u00E7ois Furet]] concluded it \"not only revealed massacre and destruction on an unprecedented scale, but a zeal so violent that it has bestowed as its legacy much of the region's identity.\"{{sfn|Furet, Ozouf|1989|p=175}} {{efn|Other estimates of the death toll range from 170,000 {{sfn|Hussenet|2007|p=148}} to 200,000\u2013250,000 {{sfn|Martin|1987|p=?}}}}\r\n\r\nAt the height of the Terror, the slightest hint of counter-revolutionary thought could place one under suspicion, and even its supporters were not immune. Under the pressure of events, splits appeared within the ''Montagnard'' faction, with violent disagreements between radical ''[[H\u00E9bertists]]'' and moderates led by Danton.{{efn|In one exchange, a H\u00E9bertist named Vadier threatened to 'gut that fat [[turbot]], Danton', who replied that if he tried, he (Danton) would 'eat his brains and shit in his skull'.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=814}}}} Robespierre saw their dispute as de-stabilising the regime, and, as a [[deist]], he objected to the [[Dechristianization of France during the French Revolution|anti-religious policies]] advocated by the [[atheist]] H\u00E9bert, who was arrested and executed on 24 March with 19 of his colleagues, including Carrier.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=816}} To retain the loyalty of the remaining H\u00E9bertists, Danton was arrested and executed on 5 April with [[Camille Desmoulins]], after a [[show trial]] that arguably did more damage to Robespierre than any other act in this period.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=819}}\r\n\r\nThe [[Law of 22 Prairial]] (10 June) denied \"enemies of the people\" the right to defend themselves. Those arrested in the provinces were now sent to Paris for judgement; from March to July, executions in Paris increased from five to twenty-six a day.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=837}} Many Jacobins ridiculed the festival of the [[Cult of the Supreme Being]] on 8 June, a lavish and expensive ceremony led by Robespierre, who was also accused of circulating claims he was a second Messiah. Relaxation of [[price controls]] and rampant inflation caused increasing unrest among the ''sans-culottes'', but the [[Flanders Campaign#The French counter-offensive|improved military situation]] reduced fears the Republic was in danger. Many feared their own survival depended on Robespierre's removal; during a meeting on 29 June, three members of the Committee of Public Safety called him a dictator in his face.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=838}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Execution robespierre, saint just....jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.15|The execution of Robespierre on 28 July 1794 marked the end of the [[Reign of Terror]].]]\r\n\r\nRobespierre responded by not attending sessions, allowing his opponents to build a coalition against him. In a speech made to the convention on 26 July, he claimed certain members were conspiring against the Republic, an almost certain death sentence if confirmed. When he refused to give names, the session broke up in confusion. That evening he made the same speech at the Jacobins club, where it was greeted with huge applause and demands for execution of the 'traitors'. It was clear if his opponents did not act, he would; in the Convention next day, [[9 Thermidor (Fall of Robespierre)|Robespierre and his allies]] were shouted down. His voice failed when he tried to speak, a deputy crying \"The blood of Danton chokes him!\"{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=844}}\r\n\r\nThe Convention authorised [[Maximilien Robespierre#Arrest|his arrest]]; he and his supporters took refuge in the Hotel de Ville, defended by the National Guard. That evening, units loyal to the Convention stormed the building, and Robespierre was arrested after a failed suicide attempt. He was executed on 28 July with 19 colleagues, including Saint-Just and [[Georges Couthon]], followed by 83 members of the Commune.{{sfn|Schama|1989|p=845}} The Law of 22 Prairial was repealed, any surviving Girondists reinstated as deputies, and the Jacobin Club was closed and banned.{{sfn|Soboul|1975|pp=425\u2013428}}\r\n\r\nThere are various interpretations of the Terror and the violence with which it was conducted; Marxist historian [[Albert Soboul]] saw it as essential to defend the Revolution from external and internal threats. [[Fran\u00E7ois Furet]] argues the intense ideological commitment of the revolutionaries and their utopian goals required the extermination of any opposition.{{sfn|Furet|1989|p=222}} A middle position suggests violence was not inevitable but the product of a series of complex internal events, exacerbated by war.{{sfn|Hanson|2009|p=?}}\r\n\r\n=== Thermidorean reaction ===\r\nThe bloodshed did not end with the death of Robespierre; [[Southern France]] saw a wave of [[First White Terror|revenge killings]], directed against alleged Jacobins, Republican officials and Protestants. Although the victors of Thermidor asserted control over the Commune by executing their leaders, some of the leading \"terrorists\"{{citation needed|date=November 2020}} retained their positions. They included [[Paul Barras]], later chief executive of the [[French Directory]], and [[Joseph Fouch\u00E9]], director of the killings in Lyon who served as [[Minister of Police (France)|Minister of Police]] under the Directory, the Consulate and [[First French Empire|Empire]]. Others were exiled or prosecuted, a process that took several months.{{sfn|Andress|2006|p=237}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Paul Barras directeur.jpg|left|thumb|upright=0.8|Former Viscount and Montagnard [[Paul Barras]], who took part in the Thermidorean reaction and later headed the [[French Directory]]]]\r\n\r\nThe December 1794 [[Treaty of La Jaunaye]] ended the [[Chouannerie]] in western France by allowing freedom of worship and the return of non-juring priests.{{sfn|Andress|2006|p=354}} This was accompanied by military success; in January 1795, French forces helped the Dutch [[Patriottentijd|Patriots]] set up the [[Batavian Republic]], securing their northern border.{{sfn|Schama|1977|pp=178\u2013192}} The war with Prussia was concluded in favour of France by the [[Peace of Basel]] in April 1795, while Spain made peace shortly thereafter.{{sfn|Hargreaves-Mawdsley|1968|pp=175-176}}\r\n\r\nHowever, the Republic still faced a crisis at home. Food shortages arising from a poor 1794 harvest were exacerbated in Northern France by the need to supply the army in [[Flanders]], while the winter was the worst since 1709.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|p=15}} By April 1795, people were starving and the ''assignat'' was worth only 8% of its face value; in desperation, the Parisian poor [[Insurrection of 12 Germinal, Year III|rose again]].{{sfn|Woronoff|1984|p=10}} They were quickly dispersed and the main impact was another round of arrests, while Jacobin prisoners in Lyon were summarily executed.{{sfn|Woronoff|1984|p=15}}\r\n\r\nA committee drafted a new [[Constitution of the Year III|constitution]], approved by [[plebiscite]] on 23 September 1795 and put into place on 27th.{{sfn|Doyle|1989|p=320}} Largely designed by [[Pierre Claude Fran\u00E7ois Daunou|Pierre Daunou]] and [[Fran\u00E7ois Antoine de Boissy d'Anglas|Boissy d'Anglas]], it established a [[bicameral legislature]], intended to slow down the legislative process, ending the wild swings of policy under the previous unicameral systems. The [[Council of 500]] was responsible for drafting legislation, which was reviewed and approved by the [[Council of Ancients]], an upper house containing 250 men over the age of 40. Executive power was in the hands of five Directors, selected by the Council of Ancients from a list provided by the lower house, with a five-year mandate.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|pp=18-19}}\r\n\r\nDeputies were chosen by indirect election, a total franchise of around 5 million voting in primaries for 30,000 electors, or 0.6% of the population. Since they were also subject to stringent property qualification, it guaranteed the return of conservative or moderate deputies. In addition, rather than dissolving the previous legislature as in 1791 and 1792, the so-called 'law of two-thirds' ruled only 150 new deputies would be elected each year. The remaining 600 ''Conventionnels'' kept their seats, a move intended to ensure stability.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|p=19}}\r\n\r\n== Directory (1795\u20131799) ==\r\n{{main|French Directory}}\r\n[[File:Attaque de la Convention nationale, 1790.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|Troops under [[Napoleon]] fire on Royalist insurgents in Paris, [[13 Vend\u00E9miaire|5 October 1795]]]]\r\n\r\nThe Directory has a poor reputation amongst historians; for Jacobin sympathisers, it represented the betrayal of the Revolution, while Bonapartists emphasised its corruption to portray Napoleon in a better light.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|p=2}} Although these criticisms were certainly valid, it also faced internal unrest, a stagnating economy and an expensive war, while hampered by the impracticality of the constitution. Since the Council of 500 controlled legislation and finance, they could paralyse government at will, and as the Directors had no power to call new elections, the only way to break a deadlock was to rule by decree or use force. As a result, the Directory was characterised by \"chronic violence, ambivalent forms of justice, and repeated recourse to heavy-handed repression.\"{{sfn|Brown|2006|p=1}}\r\n\r\nRetention of the ''Conventionnels'' ensured the [[Thermidorians]] held a majority in the legislature and three of the five Directors, but they faced an increasing challenge from the right. On 5 October, Convention troops led by [[Napoleon]] put down a [[13 Vend\u00E9miaire|royalist rising]] in Paris; when the first [[1795 French Directory election|elections]] were held two weeks later, over 100 of the 150 new deputies were royalists of some sort.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|pp=19-20}} The power of the Parisian ''san culottes'' had been broken by the suppression of the May 1795 revolt; relieved of pressure from below, the Jacobins became natural supporters of the Directory against those seeking to restore the monarchy.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|pp=27-28}}\r\n\r\nRemoval of price controls and a collapse in the value of the ''assignat'' led to inflation and soaring food prices. By April 1796, over 500,000 Parisians were reportedly in need of relief, resulting in the May insurrection known as the [[Conspiracy of the Equals]]. Led by the revolutionary [[Fran\u00E7ois-No\u00EBl Babeuf]], their demands included the implementation of the 1793 Constitution and a more equitable distribution of wealth. Despite limited support from sections of the military, it was easily crushed, with Babeuf and other leaders executed.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|pp=32-33}} Nevertheless, by 1799 the economy had been stabilised and important reforms made allowing steady expansion of French industry; many remained in place for much of the 19th century.{{sfn|Lyons|1975|p=175}}\r\n\r\nPrior to 1797, three of the five Directors were firmly Republican; Barras, [[Louis Marie de La R\u00E9velli\u00E8re-L\u00E9peaux|R\u00E9velli\u00E8re-L\u00E9peaux]] and [[Jean-Fran\u00E7ois Rewbell]], as were around 40% of the legislature. The same percentage were broadly [[Club de Clichy|centrist]] or unaffiliated, along with two Directors, [[\u00C9tienne-Fran\u00E7ois Letourneur]] and [[Lazare Carnot]]. Although only 20% were committed Royalists, many centrists supported the restoration of the exiled [[Louis XVIII of France|Louis XVIII]] in the belief this would end the [[War of the First Coalition]] with Britain and Austria.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=151}} The elections of May 1797 resulted in significant gains for the right, with Royalists [[Jean-Charles Pichegru]] elected President of the Council of 500, and [[Fran\u00E7ois-Marie, marquis de Barth\u00E9lemy|Barth\u00E9lemy]] appointed a Director.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=150}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Bouchot - Le general Bonaparte au Conseil des Cinq-Cents.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[Napol\u00E9on Bonaparte]] in the Council of 500 during [[18 Brumaire]], 9 November 1799]]\r\n\r\nWith Royalists apparently on the verge of power, the Republicans staged a [[Coup of 18 Fructidor|coup on 4 September]]. Using troops from Bonaparte's [[Army of Italy (France)|Army of Italy]] under [[Pierre Augereau]], the Council of 500 was forced to approve the arrest of Barth\u00E9lemy, Pichegru and Carnot. The election results were cancelled, sixty-three leading royalists deported to [[French Guiana]] and new laws passed against \u00E9migr\u00E9s, Royalists and ultra-Jacobins. Although the power of the monarchists had been destroyed, it opened the way for direct conflict between Barras and his opponents on the left.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=155}}\r\n\r\nDespite general war weariness, fighting continued and the [[1798 French Directory election|1798 elections]] saw a resurgence in Jacobin strength. The [[French campaign in Egypt and Syria|invasion of Egypt]] in July 1798 confirmed European fears of French expansionism, and the [[War of the Second Coalition]] began in November. Without a majority in the legislature, the Directors relied on the army to enforcing decrees and extract revenue from conquered territories. This made generals like Bonaparte and [[Barth\u00E9lemy Catherine Joubert|Joubert]] essential political players, while both the army and the Directory became notorious for their corruption.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=208}}\r\n\r\nIt has been suggested the Directory did not collapse for economic or military reasons, but because by 1799, many 'preferred the uncertainties of authoritarian rule to the continuing ambiguities of parliamentary politics'.{{sfn|Hunt|Lansky|Hanson|1979|p=735-736}} The architect of its end was Siey\u00E8s, who when asked what he had done during the Terror allegedly answered \"I survived\". Nominated to the Directory, his first action was removing Barras, using a coalition that included Talleyrand and former Jacobin [[Lucien Bonaparte]], Napoleon's brother and president of the Council of 500.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=211}} On 9 November 1799, the [[Coup of 18 Brumaire]] replaced the five Directors with the [[French Consulate]], which consisted of three members, Bonaparte, Siey\u00E8s, and [[Roger Ducos]]; most historians consider this the end point of the French Revolution.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=219}}\r\n\r\n== French Revolutionary Wars ==\r\n[[File:Valmy Battle painting.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|French victory at the [[Battle of Valmy]] on 20 September 1792 validated the Revolutionary idea of armies composed of citizens]]\r\n\r\nThe Revolution initiated a series of conflicts that began in 1792 and ended only with Napoleon's defeat at [[Battle of Waterloo|Waterloo]] in 1815. In its early stages, this seemed unlikely; the 1791 Constitution specifically disavowed \"war for the purpose of conquest\", and although traditional tensions between France and Austria re-emerged in the 1780s, [[Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor|Emperor Joseph]] cautiously welcomed the reforms. Austria was [[Austro-Turkish War (1788\u20131791)|at war with the Ottomans]], as were [[Russo-Turkish War (1787\u20131792)|the Russians]], while both were negotiating with Prussia over [[Partitions of Poland|partitioning Poland]]. Most importantly, Britain preferred peace, and as Emperor [[Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor|Leopold]] stated after the Declaration of Pillnitz, \"without England, there is no case\".{{sfn|Rothenberg|1988|pp=779-780}}\r\n\r\nIn late 1791, factions within the Assembly came to see war as a way to unite the country and secure the Revolution by eliminating hostile forces on its borders and establishing its \"natural frontiers\".{{sfn|Hayworth|2015|p=89}} France declared war on Austria in April 1792 and issued the first [[lev\u00E9e en masse|conscription]] orders, with recruits serving for twelve months. By the time peace finally came in 1815, the conflict had involved every major European power as well as the United States, redrawn the map of Europe and expanded into the [[Americas]], the [[Middle East]] and [[Indian Ocean]].{{sfn|Rothenberg|1988|p=772}}\r\n\r\nFrom 1701 to 1801, the population of Europe grew from 118 to 187 million; combined with new mass production techniques, this allowed belligerents to support large armies, requiring the mobilisation of national resources. It was a different kind of war, fought by nations rather than kings, intended to destroy their opponents' ability to resist, but also to implement deep-ranging social change. While all wars are political to some degree, this period was remarkable for the emphasis placed on reshaping boundaries and the creation of entirely new European states.{{sfn|Rothenberg|1988|pp=772-773}}\r\n\r\nIn April 1792, French armies invaded the [[Austrian Netherlands]] but suffered a series of setbacks before victory over an Austrian-Prussian army at Valmy in September. After defeating a second Austrian army at [[Battle of Jemappes|Jemappes]] on 6 November, they occupied the Netherlands, areas of the [[Rhineland]], [[County of Nice|Nice]] and [[County of Savoy|Savoy]]. Emboldened by this success, in February 1793 France declared war on the [[Dutch Republic]], Spain and Britain, beginning the [[War of the First Coalition]].{{sfn|Rothenberg|1988|p=785}} However, the expiration of the 12-month term for the 1792 recruits forced the French to relinquish their conquests. In August, new conscription measures were passed and by May 1794 the French army had between 750,000 and 800,000 men.{{sfn|Blanning|1996|pp=120-121}} Despite high rates of desertion, this was large enough to manage multiple internal and external threats; for comparison, the combined Prussian-Austrian army was less than 90,000.{{sfn|Brown|1995|p=35}}\r\n\r\n[[File:La Bataille du Pont d'Arcole.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.0|Napoleon's [[Italian campaigns of the French Revolutionary Wars#Bonaparte's war|Italian campaigns]] reshaped the map of Italy]]\r\n\r\nBy February 1795, France had annexed the Austrian Netherlands, established their frontier on the left bank of the Rhine and replaced the Dutch Republic with the [[Batavian Republic]], a satellite state. These victories led to the collapse of the anti-French coalition; Prussia made peace in April 1795, followed soon after by Spain, leaving Britain and Austria as the only major powers still in the war.{{sfn|Hayworth|2015|p=256}} In October 1797, a series of defeats by Bonaparte in Italy led Austria to agree to the [[Treaty of Campo Formio]], in which they formally ceded the Netherlands and recognised the [[Cisalpine Republic]].{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=157}}\r\n\r\nFighting continued for two reasons; first, French state finances had come to rely on indemnities levied on their defeated opponents. Second, armies were primarily loyal to their generals, for whom the wealth achieved by victory and the status it conferred became objectives in themselves. Leading soldiers like Hoche, Pichegru and Carnot wielded significant political influence and often set policy; [[Campo Formio]] was approved by Bonaparte, not the Directory, which strongly objected to terms it considered too lenient.{{sfn|McLynn|1997|p=157}}\r\n\r\nDespite these concerns, the Directory never developed a realistic peace programme, fearing the destabilising effects of peace and the consequent demobilisation of hundreds of thousands of young men. As long as the generals and their armies stayed away from Paris, they were happy to allow them to continue fighting, a key factor behind sanctioning Bonaparte's [[French campaign in Egypt and Syria|invasion of Egypt]]. This resulted in aggressive and opportunistic policies, leading to the War of the Second Coalition in November 1798.{{sfn|Rothenberg|1988|p=787}}\r\n\r\n==French colonial policy==\r\n[[File:Fire in Saint-Domingo 1791, German copper engraving.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.0|The [[Haitian Revolution|Saint-Domingue]] slave revolt in 1791]]\r\n\r\nAlthough the French Revolution had a dramatic impact in numerous areas of Europe,{{cite web |title=The National Archives - Homepage |url=https:\/\/www.nationalarchives.gov.uk\/education\/resources\/french-revolution\/ |website=The National Archives |access-date=25 January 2021}}<\/ref> the French colonies felt a particular influence. As the [[Martinique|Martinican]] author [[Aim\u00E9 C\u00E9saire]] put it, \"there was in each French colony a specific revolution, that occurred on the occasion of the French Revolution, in tune with it.\"{{sfn|Dorginy|2003|pp=167\u2013180}}\r\n\r\nThe [[Haitian Revolution|Revolution]] in [[Saint-Domingue]] was the most notable example of [[Slave rebellion|slave uprisings]] in [[French colonial empire|French colonies]]. In the 1780s, Saint-Domingue was France's wealthiest possession, producing more sugar than all the [[British West Indies]] islands combined. In February 1794, the National Convention voted to abolish slavery, several months after rebels in Saint-Domingue had already seized control.{{sfn|James|1963|pp=141-142}} However, the 1794 decree was only implemented in Saint-Domingue, [[Guadeloupe]] and [[Guyane]], and was a dead letter in [[Senegal]], [[Mauritius]], [[R\u00E9union]] and [[Martinique]], the last of which had been captured by the British, and as such remained unaffected by French law.Sue Peabody, ''French Emancipation'' https:\/\/www.oxfordbibliographies.com\/view\/document\/obo-9780199730414\/obo-9780199730414-0253.xml Accessed 27 October 2019.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n== Media and symbolism ==\r\n{{main|Symbolism in the French Revolution}}\r\n\r\n=== Newspapers ===\r\n[[File:L'Ami du peuple 1.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|A copy of ''L'Ami du peuple'' stained with the blood of Marat]]\r\n\r\nNewspapers and pamphlets played a central role in stimulating and defining the Revolution. Prior to 1789, there have been a small number of heavily censored newspapers that needed a royal licence to operate, but the Estates-General created an enormous demand for news, and over 130 newspapers appeared by the end of the year. Among the most significant were Marat's ''[[L'Ami du peuple]]'' and [[Elys\u00E9e Loustallot]]'s ''{{ILL|Revolutions de Paris|fr}}''.{{cite web |title=Illustrations from R\u00E9volutions de Paris |url=https:\/\/history.dartmouth.edu\/research\/student-research\/illustrations-revolutions-de-paris |website=Department of History |access-date=25 January 2021 |language=en |date=24 January 2014}}<\/ref> Over the next decade, more than 2,000 newspapers were founded, 500 in Paris alone. Most lasted only a matter of weeks but they became the main communication medium, combined with the very large pamphlet literature.{{sfn|Chisick|1993|pp=149\u2013166}}\r\n\r\nNewspapers were read aloud in taverns and clubs, and circulated hand to hand. There was a widespread assumption that writing was a vocation, not a business, and the role of the press was the advancement of civic republicanism.{{sfn|Chapman|2005|pp= 7\u201312}} By 1793 the radicals were most active but initially the royalists flooded the country with their publication the \"{{ILL|L'Ami du Roi|fr}}\" (Friends of the King) until they were suppressed.{{sfn|Chisick|1988|pp=623\u2013645}}\r\n\r\n===Revolutionary symbols===\r\nTo illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the old regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbols. To this end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while those of the old regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instil in the public a new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the Republic.Censer and Hunt, \"How to Read Images\" LEF CD-ROM<\/ref>\r\n\r\n====La Marseillaise====\r\n{{main|La Marseillaise}}\r\n{{Listen\r\n |filename = La Marseillaise.ogg\r\n |title = La Marseillaise\r\n |description = The French national anthem ''La Marseillaise''; text in French.}}\r\n\r\n\"[[La Marseillaise]]\" ({{IPA-fr|la ma\u0281s\u025Bj\u025B\u02D0z}}) became the [[national anthem]] of France. The song was written and composed in 1792 by [[Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle]], and was originally titled \"''Chant de guerre pour l'Arm\u00E9e du Rhin''\". The [[French National Convention]] adopted it as the [[French First Republic|First Republic's]] anthem in 1795. It acquired its nickname after being sung in Paris by [[F\u00E9d\u00E9r\u00E9|volunteers]] from [[Marseille]] marching on the capital.\r\n\r\nThe song is the first example of the \"European march\" anthemic style, while the evocative melody and lyrics led to its widespread use as a song of revolution and incorporation into many pieces of classical and popular music. De Lisle was instructed to 'produce a hymn which conveys to the soul of the people the enthusiasm which it (the music) suggests.'{{sfn|Cerulo|1993|pp=243\u2013271}}\r\n\r\n====Guillotine====\r\n[[File:Cruikshank - The Radical's Arms.png|thumb|left|upright=0.6|Cartoon attacking the excesses of the Revolution as symbolised by the guillotine]]\r\n\r\nThe guillotine remains \"the principal symbol of the Terror in the French Revolution.\"{{sfn|Hanson|2007|p=151}} Invented by a physician during the Revolution as a quicker, more efficient and more distinctive form of execution, the guillotine became a part of popular culture and historic memory. It was celebrated on the left as the people's avenger, for example in the revolutionary song ''[[La guillotine permanente]]'',{{Sfn|Delon|Levayer|1989|pp=153\u2013154}} and cursed as the symbol of the Terror by the right.{{sfn|Hunt|Martin|Rosenwein|2003|p=664}}\r\n\r\nIts operation became a popular entertainment that attracted great crowds of spectators. Vendors sold programmes listing the names of those scheduled to die. Many people came day after day and vied for the best locations from which to observe the proceedings; knitting women ([[tricoteuse]]s) formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd. Parents often brought their children. By the end of the Terror, the crowds had thinned drastically. Repetition had staled even this most grisly of entertainments, and audiences grew bored.R.F. Opie, ''Guillotine'' (2003)<\/ref>\r\n\r\n====Cockade, ''tricolore'' and liberty cap====\r\n[[File:Sans-culotte.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.7|A ''[[sans-culotte]]'' and Tricoloure]]\r\n\r\n[[Cockade]]s were widely worn by revolutionaries beginning in 1789. They now pinned the blue-and-red cockade of Paris onto the white cockade of the ''Ancien R\u00E9gime''. [[Camille Desmoulins]] asked his followers to wear green cockades on 12 July 1789. The Paris militia, formed on 13 July, adopted a blue and red cockade. Blue and red are the traditional colours of Paris, and they are used on the city's coat of arms. Cockades with various colour schemes were used during the storming of the Bastille on 14 July.{{sfn|Crowdy|2004|p=42}}\r\n\r\nThe Liberty cap, also known as the [[Phrygian cap]], or [[Pileus (hat)|pileus]], is a brimless, felt cap that is conical in shape with the tip pulled forward. It reflects Roman republicanism and liberty, alluding to the Roman ritual of [[manumission]], in which a freed slave receives the bonnet as a symbol of his newfound liberty.{{sfn|Harden|1995|pp=66\u2013102}}\r\n\r\n== Role of women ==\r\n{{main|Women in the French Revolution|Militant feminism in the French Revolution}}\r\n[[File:Ch\u00E9rieux - Club des femmes patriotes dans une \u00E9glise - 1793.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|Club of patriotic women in a church]]\r\n\r\nThe role of women in the Revolution has long been a topic of debate. Deprived of political rights under the ''Ancien Regime'', the 1791 Constitution classed them as \"passive\" citizens, leading to demands for social and political equality for women and an end to male domination. They expressed these demands using pamphlets and clubs such as the ''[[Society of the Friends of Truth|Cercle Social]]'', whose largely male members viewed themselves as contemporary feminists.{{sfn|Hunt|1996|p=123}} However, in October 1793, the Assembly banned all women's clubs and the movement was crushed; this was driven by the emphasis on masculinity in a wartime situation, antagonism towards feminine \"interference\" in state affairs due to Marie Antoinette, and traditional male supremacy.{{sfn|Devance|1977|pp=341\u2013376}} A decade later the [[Napoleonic Code]] confirmed and perpetuated women's second-class status.{{sfn|Abray|1975|pp=43\u201362}}\r\n\r\nAt the beginning of the Revolution, women took advantage of events to force their way into the political sphere, swore oaths of loyalty, \"solemn declarations of patriotic allegiance, [and] affirmations of the political responsibilities of citizenship.\" Activists included Girondists like [[Olympe de Gouges]], author of the [[Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen]], and [[Charlotte Corday]], the killer of Marat. Others like [[Th\u00E9roigne de M\u00E9ricourt]], [[Pauline L\u00E9on]] and the [[Society of Revolutionary Republican Women]] supported the Jacobins, staged demonstrations in the National Assembly and took part in the October 1789 March to Versailles. Despite this, the constitutions of 1791 and 1793 denied them political rights and democratic citizenship.{{sfn|Melzer|Rabine|1992|p=79}}\r\n\r\nOn 20 June 1792 a number of armed women took part in a procession that \"passed through the halls of the Legislative Assembly, into the [[Tuileries Garden]], and then through the King's residence.\"{{sfn|Melzer|Rabine|1992|p=91}} Women also assumed a special role in the funeral of Marat, following his murder on 13 July 1793 by Corday; as part of the funeral procession, they carried the bathtub in which he died, as well as a shirt stained with his blood.{{sfn|Hufton|1992|p=31}} On 20 May 1793 women were in the forefront of a crowd demanding \"bread and the Constitution of 1793\"; when they went unnoticed, they began \"sacking shops, seizing grain and kidnapping officials.\"{{sfn|McMillan|1999|p=24}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Olympe de Gouges.png|thumb|right|upright=0.8|[[Olympe de Gouges]], Girondist author of the [[Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen]], executed in November 1793]]\r\n\r\nThe [[Society of Revolutionary Republican Women]], a militant group on the far left, demanded a law in 1793 that would compel all women to wear the tricolour cockade to demonstrate their loyalty to the Republic. They also demanded vigorous price controls to keep bread \u2013 the major food of the poor people \u2013 from becoming too expensive. After the Convention passed the law in September 1793, the Revolutionary Republican Women demanded vigorous enforcement, but were countered by market women, former servants, and religious women who adamantly opposed price controls (which would drive them out of business) and resented attacks on the aristocracy and on religion. Fist fights broke out in the streets between the two factions of women.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, the men who controlled the Jacobins rejected the Revolutionary Republican Women as dangerous rabble-rousers. At this point the Jacobins controlled the government; they dissolved the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, and decreed that all women's clubs and associations were illegal. They sternly reminded women to stay home and tend to their families by leaving public affairs to the men. Organised women were permanently shut out of the French Revolution after 30 October 1793.{{sfn|Levy|Applewhite |Johnson|1979|pp=143\u2013149}}\r\n\r\n=== Prominent women ===\r\n[[Olympe de Gouges]] wrote a number of plays, short stories, and novels. Her publications emphasised that women and men are different, but this shouldn't prevent equality under the law. In her [[Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen]] she insisted that women deserved rights, especially in areas concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate children.De Gouges \"Writings\" 564\u201368<\/ref>\r\n\r\n[[Madame Roland]] (a.k.a. Manon or Marie Roland) was another important female activist. Her political focus was not specifically on women or their liberation. She focused on other aspects of the government, but was a feminist by virtue of the fact that she was a woman working to influence the world. Her personal letters to leaders of the Revolution influenced policy; in addition, she often hosted political gatherings of the Brissotins, a political group which allowed women to join. As she was led to the scaffold, Madame Roland shouted \"O liberty! What crimes are committed in thy name!\"{{sfn|Dalton|2001|pp=262\u2013267}} Many activists were punished for their actions, while some were executed for \"conspiring against the unity and the indivisibility of the Republic\".{{sfn|Beckstrand|2009|p=20}}\r\n\r\n=== Counter-revolutionary women ===\r\nCounter-revolutionary women resisted what they saw as the increasing intrusion of the state into their lives.{{sfn|Hufton|1992|p=104}} One major consequence was the [[Dechristianization of France during the French Revolution|dechristianisation]] of France, a movement strongly rejected by many devout people; especially for women living in rural areas, the closing of the churches meant a loss of normality.{{sfn|Hufton|1992|pp=106\u2013107}} This sparked a counter-revolutionary movement led by women; while supporting other political and social changes, they opposed the dissolution of the Catholic Church and revolutionary cults like the [[Cult of the Supreme Being]].{{sfn|Desan|Hunt|Nelson|2013|p=452}} [[Olwen Hufton]] argues some wanted to protect the Church from heretical changes enforced by revolutionaries, viewing themselves as \"defenders of faith\".{{sfn|Hufton|1998|p=303}}\r\n\r\nEconomically, many peasant women refused to sell their goods for [[assignats]] because this form of currency was unstable and was backed by the sale of confiscated Church property. By far the most important issue to counter-revolutionary women was the passage and the enforcement of the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] in 1790. In response to this measure, women in many areas began circulating anti-oath pamphlets and refused to attend masses held by priests who had sworn oaths of loyalty to the Republic. These women continued to adhere to traditional practices such as Christian burials and naming their children after saints in spite of revolutionary decrees to the contrary.{{sfn|Hufton|1998|pp=303\u2013304}}\r\n\r\n== Economic policies ==\r\n[[File:France-500Livres-1790-uni.jpg|thumb|upright=1.0| Early ''Assignat'' of 29 September 1790: 500 [[French livres|livres]]]]\r\n\r\nThe Revolution abolished many economic constraints imposed by the ''Ancien r\u00E9gime'', including church tithes and feudal dues although tenants often paid higher rents and taxes.{{sfn|Sutherland|2002|pp=1\u201324}} All church lands were nationalised, along with those owned by Royalist exiles, which were used to back paper currency known as [[assignats]], and the feudal [[guild]] system eliminated.{{sfn|Vardi|1988|pp=704\u2013717}} It also abolished the highly inefficient system of [[Ferme g\u00E9n\u00E9rale|tax farming]], whereby private individuals would collect taxes for a hefty fee. The government seized the foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century) to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and [[History of education in France#Revolution|school systems were massively disrupted]]{{sfn|Palmer|1986|pp=181\u2013197}}\r\n\r\nBetween 1790 to 1796, industrial and agricultural output dropped, foreign trade plunged, and prices soared, forcing the government to finance expenditure by issuing ever increasing quantities ''assignats''. When this resulted in escalating inflation, the response was to impose price controls and persecute private speculators and traders, creating a [[Black market]]. Between 1789 to 1793, the annual deficit increased from 10% to 64% of gross national product, while annual inflation reached 3,500% after a poor harvest in 1794 and the removal of price controls. The assignats were withdrawn in 1796 but inflation continued until the introduction of the gold-based ''Franc germinal'' in 1803.{{sfn|Brezis|Crouzet|1995|pp=7\u201340}}\r\n\r\n== Long-term impact ==\r\n{{main|Influence of the French Revolution}}\r\n\r\nThe French Revolution had a major impact on European and Western history, by ending feudalism and creating the path for future advances in broadly defined individual freedoms.{{sfn|Frey|Frey| 2004|p=?}}{{sfn|Palmer|Colton|1995|p=341}}{{sfn|Feh\u00E9r|1990|pp=117\u2013130}} Its impact on [[French nationalism]] was profound, while also stimulating nationalist movements throughout Europe.{{sfn|Dann|Dinwiddy|1988|p=13}} Its influence was great in the hundreds of small German states and elsewhere, where it{{clarify|reason=refers to \"its influence\" but intended meaning was probably \"events in that place\"|date=November 2020}} was either inspired by the French example or in reaction against it.{{sfn|Keitner|2007|p=12}}\r\n\r\n=== France ===\r\nThe impact of the Revolution on French society was enormous and led to numerous changes, some of which were widely accepted, while others continue to be debated.{{sfn|Stewart|1951|pp=783\u201394}} Under Louis XIV, political power was centralised at Versailles and controlled by the monarch, whose power derived from immense personal wealth, control over the army and appointment of clergy, provincial governors, lawyers and judges.{{sfn|Thompson|1952|p=22}} In less than a year, the king was reduced to a figurehead, the nobility deprived of titles and estates and the church of its monasteries and property. Clergy, judges and magistrates were controlled by the state, and the army sidelined, with military power placed held by the revolutionary National Guard. The central elements of 1789 were the slogan \"Liberty, Equality and Fraternity\" and \"[[The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen]]\", which Lefebvre calls \"the incarnation of the Revolution as a whole.\"{{sfn|Lefebvre|1947|p=212}}\r\n\r\nThe long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society, religion and ideas, and polarising politics for more than a century. Historian [[Fran\u00E7ois Victor Alphonse Aulard|Fran\u00E7ois Aulard]] writes:\r\n\r\n
\"From the social point of view, the Revolution consisted in the suppression of what was called the feudal system, in the emancipation of the individual, in greater division of landed property, the abolition of the privileges of noble birth, the establishment of equality, the simplification of life.... The French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at benefiting all humanity.\"Aulard in Arthur Tilley, ed. (1922) p. 115<\/ref>{{Title missing|reason=Unverifiable; what is \"Tilley (1922)\"? |talk=Question about Aulard quotation|date=November 2020}}<\/blockquote>\r\n\r\n==== Status of the Catholic church ====\r\nOne of the most heated controversies during the Revolution was the status of the Catholic Church.{{sfn|Kennedy|1989|pp=145\u2013167}} In 1788, it held a dominant position within society; to be French meant to be a Catholic. By 1799, much of its property and institutions had been confiscated and its senior leaders dead or in exile. Its cultural influence was also under attack, with efforts made to remove such as Sundays, holy days, saints, prayers, rituals and ceremonies. Ultimately these attempts not only failed but aroused a furious reaction among the pious; opposition to these changes was a key factor behind the revolt in the Vend\u00E9e.{{sfn|Kennedy|1989|pp=338\u2013353}}\r\n\r\n[[File:Le Bataillon Carr\u00E9, Affaire de Foug\u00E8res 1793 (Square Battalion).jpg|thumb|upright=1.0|left|The 1793 [[War in the Vend\u00E9e]] was in part sparked by opposition to state persecution of the Catholic church]]\r\n\r\nOver the centuries, charitable foundations had been set up to fund hospitals, poor relief, and schools; when these were confiscated and sold off, the funding was not replaced, causing massive disruption to these support systems.{{sfn|Sutherland|2002|pp=1-24}} Under the ''Ancien r\u00E9gime'', medical assistance for the rural poor was often provided by nuns, acting as nurses but also physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries; the Revolution abolished most of these orders without replacing organised nursing support.{{sfn|McHugh|2012|pp=428\u2013456}} Demand remained strong and after 1800 nuns resumed their work in hospitals and on rural estates. They were tolerated by officials because they had widespread support and were a link between elite male physicians and distrustful peasants who needed help.{{sfn|L\u00E9onard|1977|pp=887\u2013907}}\r\n\r\nThe church was a primary target during the Terror, due to its association with \"counter-revolutionary\" elements, resulting in the persecution of priests and destruction of churches and religious images throughout France. An effort was made to replace the Catholic Church altogether with the [[Cult of Reason]], and with civic festivals replacing religious ones, leading to attacks by locals on state officials. These policies were promoted by the atheist H\u00E9bert and opposed by the deist Robespierre, who denounced the campaign and replaced the Cult of Reason with the [[Cult of the Supreme Being]].{{sfn|Censer|Hunt|2001|pp=92\u201394}}\r\n\r\nThe [[Concordat of 1801]] established the rules for a relationship between the Catholic Church and French State that lasted until it was abrogated by the [[French Third Republic]] on 11 December 1905. The Concordat was a compromise that restored some of the Church's traditional roles but not its power, lands or monasteries; the clergy became public officials controlled by Paris, not Rome, while Protestants and Jews gained equal rights.{{sfn|Ellis|1997|pp=235-255}} However, debate continues into the present over the role of religion in the public sphere and related issues such as church-controlled schools. Recent arguments over the use of Muslim religious symbols in schools, such as wearing headscarves, have been explicitly linked to the conflict over Catholic rituals and symbols during the Revolution.{{sfn| Soper|Fetzer|2003|pp=39\u201359}}\r\n\r\n==== Economics ====\r\nTwo thirds of France was employed in agriculture, which was transformed by the Revolution. With the breakup of large estates controlled by the Church and the nobility and worked by hired hands, rural France became more a land of small independent farms. Harvest taxes were ended, such as the tithe and seigneurial dues, much to the relief of the peasants. [[Primogeniture]] was ended both for nobles and peasants, thereby weakening the family patriarch. Because all the children had a share in the family's property, there was a declining birth rate.{{cite book |author=P.M. Jones |title=The Peasantry in the French Revolution |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=s4x9_2uIoroC&pg=PA252 |year=1988 |publisher=Cambridge UP |pages=251\u201354, 265 |isbn=978-0-521-33070-1}}<\/ref>Crane Brinton, ''A decade of revolution, 1789\u20131799'' (1934) pp. 277\u201378<\/ref> Cobban says the Revolution bequeathed to the nation \"a ruling class of landowners.\"{{sfn|Cobban|1964|p=89}}\r\n\r\nIn the cities, entrepreneurship on a small scale flourished, as restrictive monopolies, privileges, barriers, rules, taxes and guilds gave way. However, the British blockade virtually ended overseas and colonial trade, hurting the cities and their supply chains. Overall, the Revolution did not greatly change the French business system, and probably helped freeze in place the horizons of the small business owner. The typical businessman owned a small store, mill or shop, with family help and a few paid employees; large-scale industry was less common than in other industrialising nations.{{sfn|Cobban|1964|pp=68-80}}\r\n\r\nA 2017 [[National Bureau of Economic Research]] paper found that the emigration of more than 100,000 individuals (predominantly supporters of the old regime) during the Revolution had a significant negative impact on income per capita in the 19th century (due to the fragmentation of agricultural holdings) but became positive in the second half of the 20th century onward (because it facilitated the rise in human capital investments).{{cite journal |last1=Franck |first1=Rapha\u00EBl |last2=Michalopoulos |first2=Stelios |s2cid=134086399 |date=October 2017 |title=Emigration during the French Revolution: Consequences in the Short and Longue Dur\u00E9e |journal=NBER Working Paper No. 23936 |doi=10.3386\/w23936 |url=https:\/\/www.minneapolisfed.org\/institute\/working-papers-institute\/iwp2.pdf|doi-access=free }}<\/ref> Another 2017 paper found that the redistribution of land had a positive impact on agricultural productivity, but that these gains gradually declined over the course of the 19th century.{{cite web |url=http:\/\/voxeu.org\/article\/economic-consequences-revolutions |title=Economic consequences of revolutions: Evidence from the 1789 French Revolution |last1=Finley |first1=Theresa |last2=Franck |first2=Raphael |date=2 December 2017 |website=VoxEU.org |access-date=2 December 2017 |last3=Johnson |first3=Noel}}<\/ref>{{cite journal |last1=Finley |first1=Theresa |last2=Franck |first2=Raphael |last3=Johnson |first3=Noel |date=6 September 2017 |title=The Effects of Land Redistribution: Evidence from the French Revolution |location=Rochester, NY |ssrn=3033094}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Constitutionalism ====\r\nThe Revolution meant an end to arbitrary royal rule and held out the promise of rule by law under a constitutional order, but it did not rule out a monarch. Napoleon as emperor set up a constitutional system (although he remained in full control), and the restored Bourbons were forced to go along with one. After the abdication of Napoleon III in 1871, the monarchists probably had a voting majority, but they were so factionalised they could not agree on who should be king, and instead the [[French Third Republic]] was launched with a deep commitment to upholding the ideals of the Revolution.Furet, ed., ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution,'' pp. 479\u201393<\/ref>Robert Tombs, \"Inventing politics: from Bourbon Restoration to republican monarchy,\" in Martin S. Alexander, ed., ''French history since Napoleon'' (1999), pp. 59\u201379<\/ref> The conservative Catholic enemies of the Revolution came to power in [[Vichy France]] (1940\u201344), and tried with little success to undo its heritage, but they kept it a republic. Vichy denied the principle of equality and tried to replace the Revolutionary watchwords \"[[Libert\u00E9, \u00E9galit\u00E9, fraternit\u00E9|Liberty, Equality, Fraternity]]\" with \"Work, Family, and Fatherland.\" However, there were no efforts by the Bourbons, Vichy or anyone else to restore the privileges that had been stripped away from the nobility in 1789. France permanently became a society of equals under the law.{{sfn|Hanson|2009|p=189}}\r\n\r\n=== Communism ===\r\nThe [[Jacobin]] cause was picked up by [[Marxism|Marxists]] in the mid-19th century and became an element of [[Communism|communist thought]] around the world. In the [[Soviet Union]], \"[[Gracchi|Gracchus]]\" [[Fran\u00E7ois-No\u00EBl Babeuf|Babeuf]] was regarded as a hero.{{cite book |last1=Ko\u0142akowski |first1=Leszek |title=Main Currents of Marxism: The Founders, the Golden Age, the Breakdown |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=qUCxpznbkaoC&pg=PA152 |year=1978 |publisher=W.W. Norton |pages=152\u201354 |isbn=978-0-393-06054-6}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n=== Europe outside France ===\r\nEconomic historians Dan Bogart, Mauricio Drelichman, Oscar Gelderblom, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal described [[Codification (law)|codified law]] as the French Revolution's \"most significant export.\" They wrote, \"While restoration returned most of their power to the absolute monarchs who had been deposed by Napoleon, only the most recalcitrant ones, such as Ferdinand VII of Spain, went to the trouble of completely reversing the legal innovations brought on by the French.\"{{cite journal |title=State and private institutions (Chapter 3) \u2013 The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Europe |website=Cambridge Core |date=June 2010 |doi=10.1017\/CBO9780511794834.005}}<\/ref> They also note that the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars caused England, Spain, Prussia and the Dutch Republic to centralize their fiscal systems to an unprecedented extent in order to finance the military campaigns of the Napoleonic Wars.\r\n\r\nAccording to [[Daron Acemoglu]], Davide Cantoni, [[Simon Johnson (economist)|Simon Johnson]], and [[James A. Robinson (economist)|James A. Robinson]] the French Revolution had long-term effects in Europe. They suggest that \"areas that were occupied by the French and that underwent radical institutional reform experienced more rapid [[urbanization]] and economic growth, especially after 1850. There is no evidence of a negative effect of French invasion.\"{{cite journal |last1=Acemoglu |first1=Daron |last2=Cantoni |first2=Davide |last3=Johnson |first3=Simon |last4=Robinson |first4=James A. |s2cid=157790320 |title=The Consequences of Radical Reform: The French Revolution |journal=[[American Economic Review]] |date=2011 |volume=101 |issue=7 |pages=3286\u20133307 |doi=10.1257\/aer.101.7.3286 |hdl=10419\/37516 |url=http:\/\/www.nber.org\/papers\/w14831.pdf}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nA 2016 study in the ''[[European Economic Review]]'' found that the areas of Germany that were occupied by France in the 19th century and in which the Code Napoleon was applied have higher levels of trust and cooperation today.{{cite journal |last1=Buggle |first1=Johannes C. |date=1 August 2016 |title=Law and social capital: Evidence from the Code Napoleon in Germany |journal=European Economic Review |volume=87 |issue=Supplement C |pages=148\u201375 |doi=10.1016\/j.euroecorev.2016.05.003 |hdl=10419\/78237 |url=http:\/\/www.diw.de\/documents\/publikationen\/73\/diw_01.c.424945.de\/diw_sp0566.pdf}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Britain ====\r\nOn 16 July 1789, two days after the [[Storming of the Bastille]], [[John Frederick Sackville]], serving as ambassador to France, reported to [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs]] [[Francis Osborne, 5th Duke of Leeds]], \"Thus, my Lord, the greatest revolution that we know anything of has been effected with, comparatively speaking \u2013 if the magnitude of the event is considered \u2013 the loss of very few lives. From this moment we may consider France as a free country, the King a very limited monarch, and the nobility as reduced to a level with the rest of the nation.{{cite wikisource |last1=Alger |first1=John Goldworth |author-link1=John Goldworth Alger |title=Englishmen in the French Revolution |wslink=Englishmen in the French Revolution\/Chapter II |year=1889 |publisher=Ballantyne Press |location=London |plainchapter=Chapter II. At the Embassy |chapter=Chapter II |language=en}}<\/ref>\" Yet in Britain the majority, especially among the aristocracy, strongly opposed the French Revolution. Britain led and funded the series of coalitions that fought France from 1793 to 1815, and then restored the Bourbons.\r\n\r\nPhilosophically and politically, Britain was in debate over the rights and wrongs of revolution, in the abstract and in practicalities. The [[Revolution Controversy]] was a \"[[pamphlet war]]\" set off by the publication of ''[[A Discourse on the Love of Our Country]]'', a speech given by [[Richard Price]] to the [[Revolution Society]] on 4 November 1789, supporting the French Revolution (as he had the [[American Revolution]]), and saying that patriotism actually centers around loving the people and principles of a nation, not its ruling class. [[Edmund Burke]] responded in November 1790 with his own pamphlet, ''[[Reflections on the Revolution in France]]'', attacking the French Revolution as a threat to the aristocracy of all countries.Emma Vincent Macleod, ''A War of Ideas: British Attitudes to the War against Revolutionary France, 1792\u20131802'' (1999)<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: The Struggle, Volume II'' (1970) pp. 459\u2013505<\/ref> [[William Coxe (MP)|William Coxe]] opposed Price's premise that one's country is principles and people, not the State itself.{{cite book |last1=Clark |first1=J.C.D. |author-link=J. C. D. Clark |title=English Society: 1660\u20131832; Religion, Ideology and Politics During the Ancient Regime |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=JAV-pVZkC7MC&pg=PA233 |access-date=16 June 2013 |year=2000 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-66627-5 |page=233}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nConversely, two seminal political pieces of political history were written in Price's favour, supporting the general right of the French people to replace their State. One of the first of these \"[[Pamphlet#History|pamphlets]]\" into print was ''[[A Vindication of the Rights of Men]]'' by [[Mary Wollstonecraft]] (better known for her later treatise, sometimes described as the first feminist text, ''[[A Vindication of the Rights of Woman]]''); Wollstonecraft's title was echoed by [[Thomas Paine]]'s ''[[Rights of Man]]'', published a few months later. In 1792 [[Christopher Wyvill]] published ''Defence of Dr. Price and the Reformers of England'', a plea for reform and moderation.Graham, pp. 297\u201398.<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThis exchange of ideas has been described as \"one of the great political debates in British history\".{{cite book |last1=Crowe |first1=Ian |title=An Imaginative Whig: Reassessing the Life and Thought of Edmund Burke |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=a3-oIBwZvFcC&pg=PA93 |access-date=17 June 2013 |year=2005 |publisher=University of Missouri Press |isbn=978-0-8262-6419-0 |page=93}}<\/ref> Even in France, there was a varying degree of agreement during this debate, English participants generally opposing the violent means that the Revolution bent itself to for its ends.On the French reception of Price's ''Discourse'' and the Revolution Society, see {{cite book |first1=R\u00E9my |last1=Duthille |chapter=1688\u20131789. Au carrefour des r\u00E9volutions : les c\u00E9l\u00E9brations de la r\u00E9volution anglaise de 1688 en Grande-Bretagne apr\u00E8s 1789 |chapter-url=http:\/\/www.pur-editions.fr\/detail.php?idOuv=2305 |title=Du Bon Usage des comm\u00E9morations : histoire, m\u00E9moire, identit\u00E9, XVIe \u2013 XVIIIe si\u00E8cles |editor-first=Bernard |editor-last=Cottret |editor2-first=Lauric |editor2-last=Henneton |location=Rennes |publisher=Presses Universitaires de Rennes |year=2010 |pages=107\u201320 |language=fr}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nIn Ireland, the effect was to transform what had been an attempt by Protestant settlers to gain some autonomy into a mass movement led by the [[Society of United Irishmen]] involving Catholics and Protestants. It stimulated the demand for further reform throughout Ireland, especially in [[Ulster]]. The upshot was a revolt in 1798, led by [[Wolfe Tone]], that was crushed by Britain.{{cite book |last1=Pelling |first1=Nick |title=Anglo-Irish Relations: 1798 1922 |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=ttSsGEWW3tcC&pg=PA5 |year=2002 |publisher=Routledge |pages=5\u201310 |isbn=978-0-203-98655-4}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Germany ====\r\nGerman reaction to the Revolution swung from favourable to antagonistic. At first it brought liberal and democratic ideas, the end of guilds, serfdom and the Jewish ghetto. It brought economic freedoms and agrarian and legal reform. Above all the antagonism helped stimulate and shape [[German nationalism]].{{cite book |author=Theodore S. Hamerow |title=Restoration, Revolution, Reaction: Economics and Politics in Germany, 1815\u20131871 |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=IPNXfV2-DhcC&pg=PA22 |year=1958 |publisher=Princeton UP |pages=22\u201324, 44\u201345 |isbn=978-0-691-00755-7}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Switzerland ====\r\n{{main|Helvetic Republic}}\r\n\r\nThe French invaded Switzerland and turned it into the \"[[Helvetic Republic]]\" (1798\u20131803), a French puppet state. French interference with localism and traditions was deeply resented in Switzerland, although some reforms took hold and survived in the later [[Restoration and Regeneration in Switzerland|period of restoration]].Marc H. Lerner, \"The Helvetic Republic: An Ambivalent Reception of French Revolutionary Liberty,\" ''French History'' (2004) 18#1 pp. 50\u201375.<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2:394\u2013421<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Belgium ====\r\n{{main|French period}}\r\n[[File:Paul-Jacob Laminit (inc.) Jahann Voeltz (dis.) Combat dans les rues de Gand, nov\u00E9mbre 1789.JPG|thumb|The [[Brabant Revolution]] broke out in the [[Austrian Netherlands]] in October 1789, inspired by the revolution in neighbouring France, but had collapsed by the end of 1790.]]\r\n\r\nThe region of modern-day Belgium was divided between two polities: the [[Austrian Netherlands]] and [[Prince-Bishopric of Li\u00E8ge]]. Both territories experienced revolutions in 1789. In the Austrian Netherlands, the [[Brabant Revolution]] succeeded in expelling Austrian forces and established the new [[United States of Belgium|United Belgian States]]. The [[Li\u00E8ge Revolution]] expelled the tyrannical Prince-Bishop and installed [[Republic of Li\u00E8ge|a republic]]. Both failed to attract international support. By December 1790, the Brabant revolution had been crushed and Li\u00E8ge was subdued the following year.\r\n\r\nDuring the Revolutionary Wars, the French invaded and occupied the region between 1794 and 1814, a time known as the [[French period]]. The new government enforced new reforms, incorporating the region into France itself. New rulers were sent in by Paris. Belgian men were drafted into the French wars and heavily taxed. Nearly everyone was Catholic, but the Church was repressed. Resistance was strong in every sector, as Belgian nationalism emerged to oppose French rule. The French legal system, however, was adopted, with its equal legal rights, and abolition of class distinctions. Belgium now had a government bureaucracy selected by merit.{{cite book |first1=E.H. |last1=Kossmann |title=The Low Countries: 1780\u20131940 |location=Oxford |publisher=Clarendon Press |year=1978 |pages=65\u201381, 101\u201302 |isbn=978-0-19-822108-1}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n[[Antwerp]] regained access to the sea and grew quickly as a major port and business centre. France promoted commerce and capitalism, paving the way for the ascent of the [[bourgeoisie]] and the rapid growth of manufacturing and mining. In economics, therefore, the nobility declined while middle-class Belgian entrepreneurs flourished because of their inclusion in a large market, paving the way for Belgium's leadership role after 1815 in the [[Industrial Revolution]] on the Continent.Bernard A. Cook, ''Belgium'' (2005) pp. 49\u201354<\/ref>{{cite journal |first1=Samuel |last1=Clark |title=Nobility, Bourgeoisie and the Industrial Revolution in Belgium |journal=Past & Present |year=1984 |volume=105 |issue=105 |pages=140\u201375 |jstor=650548 |doi=10.1093\/past\/105.1.140}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==== Scandinavia ====\r\n{{main|History of Denmark#Reforms}}\r\n\r\nThe Kingdom of Denmark adopted liberalising reforms in line with those of the French Revolution, with no direct contact. Reform was gradual and the regime itself carried out [[agrarian reform]]s that had the effect of weakening absolutism by creating a class of independent peasant [[Freehold (law)|freeholder]]s. Much of the initiative came from well-organised liberals who directed political change in the first half of the 19th century.{{cite journal |first1=Henrik |last1=Horstboll |first2=Uffe |last2=Osterg\u00E5rd |title=Reform and Revolution: The French Revolution and the Case of Denmark |journal=Scandinavian Journal of History |year=1990 |volume=15 |issue=3 |pages=155\u201379 |doi=10.1080\/03468759008579195}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n=== North America ===\r\n==== Canada ====\r\nThe press in the [[Province of Quebec (1763\u20131791)|colony of Quebec]] initially viewed the events of the Revolution positively.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=57}} Press coverage in Quebec on the Revolution was reflective of public opinion in London, with the colony's press reliant on newspapers and reprints from journals from the British Isles.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=58}} The early positive reception of the French Revolution had made it politically difficult to justify withholding electoral institutions from the colony to both the British and Quebec public; with the British [[Home Secretary]] [[William Grenville]] remarking how it was hardly possible to \"maintain with success,\" the denial \"to so large a body of British Subjects, the benefits of the British Constitution\".{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=63}} Governmental reforms introduced in the ''[[Constitutional Act 1791]]'' split Quebec into two separate colonies, [[Lower Canada]], and [[Upper Canada]]; and introduced electoral institutions to the two colonies.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=63}}\r\n\r\nFrench migration to the Canadas was decelerated significantly during, and after the French Revolution; with only a small number of artisans, professionals, and religious emigres from France permitted to settle in the Canadas during that period.{{cite encyclopedia |url=https:\/\/www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca\/en\/article\/french-immigration-in-canada |title=French Immigration in Canada |last1=Dupuis |first1=Serge |date=26 February 2018 |access-date=3 January 2020 |encyclopedia=The Canadian Encyclopedia |publisher=Historica Canada}}<\/ref> Most of these migrants moved to [[Montreal]] or [[Quebec City]], although French nobleman [[Joseph-Genevi\u00E8ve de Puisaye]] also led a small group of French royalists to settle lands north of [[York, Upper Canada|York]] (present day [[Toronto]]). The influx of religious migrants from France reinvigorated the Roman Catholic Church in the Canadas, with the refectory priests who moved to the colonies being responsible for the establishment of a number of parishes throughout the Canadas.\r\n\r\n==== United States ====\r\nThe French Revolution deeply polarised American politics, and this polarisation led to the creation of the [[First Party System]]. In 1793, as war broke out in Europe, the [[Democratic-Republican Party]] led by former [[United States Ambassador to France|American minister to France]] [[Thomas Jefferson]] favored revolutionary France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect. [[George Washington]] and his unanimous cabinet, including Jefferson, decided that the treaty did not bind the United States to enter the war. Washington [[Proclamation of Neutrality|proclaimed neutrality]] instead.Susan Dunn, ''Sister Revolutions: French Lightning, American Light'' (2000)<\/ref> Under President [[John Adams]], a [[Federalist Party|Federalist]], an undeclared naval war took place with France from 1798 until 1799, often called the \"[[Quasi War]]\". Jefferson became president in 1801, but was hostile to Napoleon as a dictator and emperor. However, the two entered negotiations over the [[Louisiana Territory]] and agreed to the [[Louisiana Purchase]] in 1803, an acquisition that substantially increased the size of the United States.\r\n\r\n== Historiography ==\r\n{{main|Historiography of the French Revolution}}\r\n\r\nThe French Revolution has received enormous amounts of historical attention, both from the general public and from scholars and academics. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterised as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution.Rude pp. 12\u201314<\/ref> [[Alexis de Tocqueville]] argued that the Revolution was a manifestation of a more prosperous middle class becoming conscious of its social importance.Rude, p. 15<\/ref>\r\n\r\nOther thinkers, like the conservative [[Edmund Burke]], maintained that the Revolution was the product of a few conspiratorial individuals who brainwashed the masses into subverting the old order, a claim rooted in the belief that the revolutionaries had no legitimate complaints.Rude, p. 12<\/ref> Other historians, influenced by [[Marxism|Marxist]] thinking, have emphasised the importance of the peasants and the urban workers in presenting the Revolution as a gigantic [[class struggle]].Rude, p. 17<\/ref> In general, scholarship on the French Revolution initially studied the political ideas and developments of the era, but it has gradually shifted towards [[social history]] that analyses the impact of the Revolution on individual lives.Rude, pp. 12\u201320<\/ref>\r\n\r\nHistorians until the late 20th century emphasised class conflicts from a largely Marxist perspective as the fundamental driving cause of the Revolution.Soboul, Albert. ''La R\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise'', pp. 45\u201348<\/ref> The central theme of this argument was that the Revolution emerged from the rising bourgeoisie, with support from the [[sans-culottes]], who fought to destroy the aristocracy.{{cite book |author=George C. Comninel |title=Rethinking the French Revolution: Marxism and the Revisionist Challenge |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=z9HR3ALvUXoC&pg=PA31 |year=1987 |publisher=Verso |page=31 |isbn=978-0-86091-890-5}}<\/ref> However, Western scholars largely abandoned Marxist interpretations in the 1990s. By the year 2000 many historians were saying that the field of the French Revolution was in intellectual disarray. The old model or paradigm focusing on class conflict has been discredited, and no new explanatory model had gained widespread support.{{cite journal |first1=Rebecca L. |last1=Spang |s2cid=161878110 |title=Paradigms and Paranoia: How modern Is the French Revolution? |journal=American Historical Review |year=2003 |volume=108 |issue=1 |pages=119\u201347 [esp p. 120] |doi=10.1086\/ahr\/108.1.119}}<\/ref>{{cite journal |first1=David A. |last1=Bell |s2cid=144241323 |title=Class, consciousness, and the fall of the bourgeois revolution |journal=Critical Review |year=2004 |volume=16 |issue=2\u20133 |pages=323\u201351 |doi=10.1080\/08913810408443613}}<\/ref> Nevertheless, as Spang has shown, there persists a very widespread agreement that the French Revolution was the watershed between the premodern and modern eras of Western history, and one of the most important events in history.\r\n\r\nIt marks the end of the [[early modern period]], which started around 1500 and is often seen as marking the \"dawn of the [[modern history|modern era]]\".Frey, \"Preface\"<\/ref> Within France itself, the Revolution permanently crippled the power of the aristocracy and drained the wealth of the Church, although the two institutions survived despite the damage they sustained. After the collapse of the [[First French Empire|First Empire]] in 1815, the French public lost the rights and privileges earned since the Revolution, but they remembered the participatory politics that characterised the period, with one historian commenting: \"Thousands of men and even many women gained firsthand experience in the political arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted; they joined new organisations; and they marched for their political goals. Revolution became a tradition, and [[republicanism]] an enduring option.\"{{sfn|Hanson|2009|p=189}}\r\n\r\nSome historians argue that the French people underwent a fundamental transformation in self-identity, evidenced by the elimination of privileges and their replacement by [[Human rights|rights]] as well as the growing decline in social deference that highlighted the principle of equality throughout the Revolution.Hanson, p. 191<\/ref> The Revolution represented the most significant and dramatic challenge to political absolutism up to that point in history and spread democratic ideals throughout Europe and ultimately the world.{{cite book |last1=Riemer |first1=Neal |last2=Simon |first2=Douglas |title=The New World of Politics: An Introduction to Political Science |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=gKa3FTpH49oC&pg=PA106 |year=1997 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=978-0-939693-41-2 |page=106}}<\/ref> Throughout the 19th century, the revolution was heavily analysed by economists and political scientists, who saw the [[Social class|class]] nature of the revolution as a fundamental aspect in understanding human social evolution itself. This, combined with the egalitarian values introduced by the revolution, gave rise to a classless and co-operative model for society called \"[[socialism]]\" which profoundly influenced future revolutions in France and around the world.\r\n\r\n== See also ==\r\n* [[Age of Revolution]]\r\n* [[Cordeliers]]\r\n* [[Glossary of the French Revolution]]\r\n* [[History of France]]\r\n* [[List of people associated with the French Revolution]]\r\n* [[List of political groups in the French Revolution]]\r\n* [[Mus\u00E9e de la R\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise]]\r\n* [[Paris in the 18th Century]]\r\n* [[Timeline of the French Revolution]]\r\n\r\n== Notes ==\r\n{{notelist}}\r\n\r\n== References ==\r\n{{reflist|20em}}\r\n\r\n== Sources ==\r\n{{refbegin|40em}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Abray |first1=Jane|title=Feminism in the French Revolution |journal=The American Historical Review |volume=80 |issue=1|year=1975 |pages=43\u201362|doi=10.2307\/1859051|jstor=1859051 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Andress |first=David |title=The Terror: The Merciless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France |publisher=Farrar Straus Giroux |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-374-27341-5}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last=Baker |first=Michael |title=French political thought at the accession of Louis XVI |journal=Journal of Modern History |year=1978 |volume=50 |issue=2 |pages=279\u2013303 |doi=10.1086\/241697 |jstor=1877422|s2cid=222427515 }}\r\n* {{cite book |author-last=Baker |author-first=Keith |editor-last=Van Kley |editor-first=Dale |title=The Idea of a Declaration of Rights in ''The French Idea of Freedom: The Old Regime and the Declaration of Rights of 1789'' |year=1995 |publisher=Stanford University Press |isbn=978-0-8047-2355-8}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Barton |first1=HA |title=The Origins of the Brunswick Manifesto|journal=French Historical Studies |date=1967 |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=146\u2013169 |doi=10.2307\/286173 |jstor=286173}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Beckstrand|first=Lisa|title=Deviant women of the French Revolution and the rise of feminism|year=2009|publisher=Fairleigh Dickinson University Press|isbn=978-1611474008}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Bell |first1=David Avrom |title=The First Total War: Napoleon's Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It |publisher=Mariner Books |year=2007 |isbn=978-0-618-91981-9}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last=Betros |first=Gemma |title=The French Revolution and the Catholic Church |journal=History Today |year=2010 |issue=68 |url=https:\/\/www.historytoday.com\/archive\/french-revolution-and-catholic-church}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Blanning |first=Timothy C. W |year=1997 |title=The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash? |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-0-333-67064-4}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Blanning|first1=Timothy C. W.|title=The French Revolutionary Wars: 1787\u20131802|date=1996|publisher=Hodder Arnold|isbn=978-0-340-64533-8}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Bredin |first=Jean-Denis |title=Sieyes; la cl\u00E9 de la R\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise |publisher=Fallois |year=1988 |language=FR}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last1=Brezis|first1=Elise S|last2=Crouzet|first2=Fran\u00E7ois|title=The role of assignats during the French Revolution: An evil or a rescuer?|journal=Journal of European Economic History|year=1995|volume=24|issue=1}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Brown|first=Howard G|title=Ending the French Revolution: Violence, Justice, and Repression from the Terror to Napoleon |year=2006 |publisher=University of Virginia Press|isbn=978-0-8139-2546-2}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Brown|first1=Howard G.|title=War, Revolution, and the Bureaucratic State Politics and Army Administration in France, 1791-1799|date=1995|publisher=OUP|isbn=978-0-19-820542-5}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Cerulo |first1=Karen A. |s2cid=144023960 |year=1993 |title=Symbols and the world system: national anthems and flags |journal=Sociological Forum |volume=8 |issue=2|pages=243\u2013271 |doi=10.1007\/BF01115492}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Censer |first1=Jack |last2=Hunt |first2=Lynn |title=Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution |year=2001|isbn=978-0-271-02088-4 |publisher=Pennsylvania State University Press}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Censer |first1=Jack |editor-last1=Klaits |editor-first1=Joseph |editor-last2=Haltzel |editor-first2=Michael |title=The French Revolution after 200 Years in ''Global Ramifications of the French Revolution'' |year=2002 |publisher=Cambridge UP |isbn=978-0-521-52447-6}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Chapman|first=Jane|title=Republican citizenship, ethics and the French revolutionary press|journal=Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics|year=2005|volume=2|issue=1}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Chisick|first=Harvey|title=The pamphlet literature of the French revolution: An overview|journal=History of European Ideas|year=1993|volume=17|issue=2|pages=149\u2013166|doi=10.1016\/0191-6599(93)90289-3}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last=Chisick|first=Harvey|title=Pamphlets and Journalism in the Early French Revolution: The Offices of the Ami du Roi of the Abb\u00E9 Royou as a Center of Royalist Propaganda |journal=French Historical Studies |volume=15 |issue=4|year=1988 |pages=623\u2013645|doi=10.2307\/286549|jstor=286549}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Cobban|first=Alan|title=The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution|year=1964|edition=1999|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0521661515}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Cole |first1=Alistair |last2=Campbell |first2=Peter |title=French electoral systems and elections since 1789 |year=1989 |isbn=978-0-566-05696-3}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Conner |first1=Clifford |title=Jean-Paul Marat: Tribune of the French Revolution |date=2012 |publisher=Pluto Press |isbn=978-0-7453-3193-5}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last=Cough |first=Hugh |title=Genocide and the Bicentenary: the French Revolution and the Revenge of the Vendee |journal=Historical Journal |volume=30 |issue=4 |year=1987|pages=977\u2013988 |doi=10.1017\/S0018246X00022433 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Crook |first1=Malcolm |title=Elections in the French Revolution: An Apprenticeship in Democracy, 1789-1799 |date=1996 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-45191-8}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Crowdy|first=Terry|title=French Revolutionary Infantry 1789\u20131802|year=2004|publisher=Osprey|isbn=978-1-84176-660-7}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Dalton|first=Susan|title=Gender and the Shifting Ground of Revolutionary Politics: The Case of Madame Roland|journal=Canadian Journal of History|volume=36|issue=2|year=2001|pages=259\u2013282|doi=10.3138\/cjh.36.2.259|pmid=18711850}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Dann |first1=Otto |last2=Dinwiddy |first2=John |title=Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution |year=1988 |publisher=Continuum |isbn=978-0-907628-97-2 |ref={{harvid|Dann, Dinwiddy|1988}}}}\r\n* {{Cite book|last=Delon|first=Michel|last2=Levayer|first2=Paul-\u00C9douard|title=Chansonnier r\u00E9volutionnaire|publisher=\u00C9ditions Gallimard|date=1989|language=fr|isbn=2-07-032530-X}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Desan|first1=Suzanne|last2=Hunt|first2=Lynn|last3=Nelson|first3=William|title=The French Revolution in Global Perspective|year=2013|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0801450969}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Devance |first1=Louis|title=Le F\u00E9minisme pendant la R\u00E9volution Fran\u00E7aise|journal=Annales Historiques de la R\u00E9volution Fran\u00E7aise|volume=49 |issue=3|year=1977 |language=FR}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Dorginy|first=Marcel|title=The Abolitions of Slavery: From L.F. Sonthonax to Victor Schoelcher, 1793, 1794, 1848|publisher=Berghahn Books|year=2003|isbn=978-1571814326}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Doyle |first1=William |title=The Oxford History of the French Revolution |year=1990 |publisher=Oxford University Press |edition=2002 |isbn=978-0-19-160829-2}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Doyle |first=William |title=The French Revolution: A very short introduction |year=2001 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-285396-7}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Doyle |first1=William |title=Aristocracy and its Enemies in the Age of Revolution|year=2009 |publisher=Oxford UP |isbn=978-0-19-160971-8}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Dwyer |first1=Philip |title=Napoleon: The Path to Power 1769\u20131799|year=2008 |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-14820-6}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Ellis|first=Geoffrey|editor-last1=Aston|editor-first1=Nigel|title=Religion according to Napoleon; the limitations of pragmatism in ''Religious Change in Europe 1650-1914: Essays for John McManners''|publisher=Clarendon Press|year= 1997|isbn=978-0198205968}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Feh\u00E9r|first=Ferenc |title=The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity |year=1990 |edition=1992|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0520071209}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Forster |first1=Robert |title=The Survival of the Nobility during the French Revolution |journal=Past & Present |volume=37 |issue=37 |year=1967 |pages=71\u201386 |doi=10.1093\/past\/37.1.71 |jstor=650023}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Fremont-Barnes |first=Gregory |title=Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760\u20131815 |year=2007 |publisher=Greenwood |isbn=978-0-313-04951-4}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Frey|first1=Linda|last2=Frey|first2=Marsha|title=The French Revolution |year=2004 |publisher=Greenwood Press |isbn=978-0-313-32193-1}}\r\n* {{cite book |title=Interpreting the French Revolution |year=1981 |publisher=Cambridge UP |first1=Fran\u00E7ois |last1=Furet}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Furet |first=Fran\u00E7ois |title=Revolutionary France, 1770\u20131880 |year=1995 |publisher=Blackwell Publishing |isbn=978-0-631-19808-6}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Furet |first=Fran\u00E7ois |editor-last=Kafker |editor-first=Frank |title=A Deep-rooted Ideology as Well as Circumstance in ''The French Revolution: Conflicting Interpretations'' |year=1989 |edition=2002 |publisher=Krieger Publishing Company |isbn=978-1-57524-092-3}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Furet |first1=Fran\u00E7ois |last2=Ozouf |first2=Mona |title=A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution |year=1989 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=978-0-674-17728-4}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Fursenko |first1=A.A |last2=McArthur |first2=Gilbert |title=The American and French Revolutions Compared: The View from the U.S.S.R. |journal=The William and Mary Quarterly |date=1976 |volume=33 |issue=3 |page=481 |doi=10.2307\/1921544 |jstor=1921544}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Garrioch |first1=David |title=The People of Paris and Their Police in the Eighteenth Century. Reflections on the introduction of a 'modern' police force. |journal=European History Quarterly |date=1994 |volume=24 |issue=4 |pages=511\u2013535 |doi=10.1177\/026569149402400402|s2cid=144460864 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Gershoy |first1=Leo |title=The Era of the French Revolution |date=1957 |publisher=Van Nostrand |location=New York |isbn=978-0898747188 |pages=16\u201317, 23}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Goldhammer |first=Jesse |title=The headless republic : sacrificial violence in modern French thought |date=2005 |publisher=Cornell University Press |isbn=978-0-8014-4150-9 |oclc=783283094}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Gough |first=Hugh |title=The Terror in the French Revolution |year=1998 |edition=2010|isbn=978-0-230-20181-1 |publisher=Palgrave}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Greenwood |first1=Frank Murray |title=Legacies of Fear: Law and Politics in Quebec in the Era of the French Revolution |publisher=University of Toronto Press |year=1993 |isbn=978-0-8020-6974-0}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Hampson |first1=Norman |title=A Social History of the French Revolution |year=1988 |publisher=University of Toronto Press |location=Routledge |isbn=978-0-7100-6525-4}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Hanson |first=Paul|title=Contesting the French Revolution |year=2009 |publisher=Blackwell Publishing |isbn=978-1-4051-6083-4}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Hanson|first=Paul|title=The A to Z of the French Revolution|year=2007|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=978-1-4617-1606-8}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Harden|first=David J|title=Liberty Caps and Liberty Trees|journal=Past & Present|year=1995 |volume=146|issue=146|pages=66\u2013102|doi=10.1093\/past\/146.1.66|jstor=651152}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Hargreaves-Mawdsley|first=William |title=Spain under the Bourbons, 1700\u20131833|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=1968}}\r\n* {{cite thesis|last=Hayworth|first=Justin|title=Conquering the natural frontier: French expansion to the Rhine during the War of the First Coalition 1792-1797|publisher=North Texas University|type=PHD|year=2015|url=https:\/\/digital.library.unt.edu\/ark:\/67531\/metadc822845\/m2\/1\/high_res_d\/dissertation.pdf}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Hibbert |first1=Christopher |title=The Days of the French Revolution |year=1980 |publisher=Quill, William Morrow |isbn=978-0-688-03704-8}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Hibbert |first=Christopher |title=The French Revolution |publisher=Penguin |year=1982 |isbn=978-0-14-004945-9}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Hufton |first1=Olwen |title=Social Conflict and the Grain Supply in Eighteenth-Century France |journal=The Journal of Interdisciplinary History |date=1983 |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=303\u2013331 |doi=10.2307\/203707 |jstor=203707}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Hufton |first1=Olwen |title=Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution|publisher=University of Toronto Press|date=1992|isbn=978-0-8020-6837-8}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Hunt|first1=Lynn|title=The French Revolution and Human Rights |publisher=Bedford\/St Martins |year=1996|edition=2016|isbn=978-1-319-04903-4}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Hunt |first=Lynn |title=Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution |year=1984 |publisher=University of California Press}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last1=Hunt|first1=Lynn|last2=Lansky|first2=David|last3=Hanson|first3=Paul|title=The Failure of the Liberal Republic in France, 1795-1799: The Road to Brumaire|journal=The Journal of Modern History|date=1979|volume=51|issue=4 |pages=734\u2013759|doi=10.1086\/241988|jstor=1877164|s2cid=154019725}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Hunt |first1=Lynn |last2=Martin |first2=Thomas R |last3=Rosenwein |first3=Barbara H. |title=The Making of the West; Volume II |publisher=Bedford Press |year=2003 |isbn=978-0-312-55460-6 |edition=2010}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Hussenet |first1=Jacques |title=''D\u00E9truisez la Vend\u00E9e !\" Regards crois\u00E9s sur les victimes et destructions de la guerre de Vend\u00E9e |date=2007 |publisher=Centre vend\u00E9en de recherches historiques |language=Fr}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=James|first=C. L. R.|title=The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution|year=1963| publisher=Penguin Books|edition=2001}}\r\n* {{cite book |author-last1=Jefferson |author-first1=Thomas |editor-last1=Ford |editor-first1=Paul |title=The Works of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. XII: Correspondence and Papers 1808\u20131816 |date=1903 |publisher=Cosimo Classics |isbn=978-1-61640-215-0 |edition=2010}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Jordan |first=David |title=The King's Trial: The French Revolution versus Louis XVI |year=2004 |publisher=University of California Press |isbn=978-0-520-23697-4}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last=Jourdan |first=Annie |date=2007 |title=The \"Alien Origins\" of the French Revolution: American, Scottish, Genevan, and Dutch Influences |journal=The Western Society for French History |volume=35 |issue=2 |publisher=University of Amsterdam |hdl=2027\/spo.0642292.0035.012 |url=http:\/\/hdl.handle.net\/2027\/spo.0642292.0035.012}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Kennedy |first=Emmet |title=A Cultural History of the French Revolution |year=1989 |isbn=978-0-300-04426-3 |publisher=Yale University Press}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Kennedy |first=Michael |title=The Jacobin Clubs in the French Revolution: 1793\u20131795 |year=2000 |isbn=978-1-57181-186-8 |publisher=Berghahn Books}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Keitner |first1=Chimene I |title=The Paradoxes of Nationalism: The French Revolution and Its Meaning for Contemporary Nation Building |year=2007 |publisher=SUNY Press |isbn=978-0-7914-6958-3}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Ko\u0142akowski |first1=Leszek |title=Main Currents of Marxism: The Founders, the Golden Age, the Breakdown |year=1978 |publisher=W.W. Norton|isbn=978-0-393-06054-6}}\r\n* {{cite thesis |last1=Lalev\u00E9e |first1=Thomas J |title=National Pride and Republican grandezza: Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French Revolution|year=2019|publisher=Australian National University|type=PHD |url=https:\/\/h-france.net\/rude\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/08\/LaleveeVol6.pdf}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Lefebvre |first1=Georges |title=The French Revolution: From Its Origins to 1793 |year=1962 |publisher=Columbia University Press |isbn=978-0-231-08598-4}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Lefebvre |first1=Georges |title=The French Revolution: from 1793 to 1799 |year=1963 |volume=vol. II |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York |isbn=978-0-231-02519-5 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Lefebvre |first1=Georges |title=The Thermidorians & the Directory |year=1964 |publisher=Random House}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Lefebvre |first1=Georges |title=The Coming of the French Revolution |year=1947 |edition=2005 |publisher=Princeton UP|isbn=978-0-691-12188-8}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=L\u00E9onard|first=Jacques|title=Femmes, Religion et M\u00E9decine: Les Religieuses qui Soignent, en France au XIXe Si\u00E8cle|journal=Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations|year=1977|volume=32|issue=55|language=FR}}\r\n* {{cite book|editor-last1=Levy|editor-first1=Darline Gay|editor-last2=Applewhite|editor-first2=Harriet Branson|editor-last3=Johnson|editor-first3=Mary Durham|title=Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789\u20131795|publisher=University of Illinois Press|year=1979|isbn=978-0252004094}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Lewis |first=Gwynne |title=The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate |year=2002 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-203-40991-6}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Livesey |first=James |title=Making Democracy in the French Revolution |year=2001 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=978-0-674-00624-9}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Ludwikowski |first1=Rhett |title=The French Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and the American Constitutional Development |journal=The American Journal of Comparative Law |date=1990 |volume=2 |pages=445\u2013462 |doi=10.2307\/840552 |jstor=840552|url=https:\/\/ruj.uj.edu.pl\/xmlui\/handle\/item\/151153 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Lyons |first1=Martyn |title=France under the Directory |date=1975 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-09950-9 |edition=2008}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Martin |first=Jean-Cl\u00E9ment |title=La Vend\u00E9e et la France |year=1987 |publisher=\u00C9ditions du Seuil |language=Fr}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=McHugh|first=Tim|title=Expanding Women's Rural Medical Work in Early Modern Brittany: The Daughters of the Holy Spirit|journal=History of Medicine and Allied Sciences|year=2012|volume=67|issue=3|pages=428\u2013456|doi=10.1093\/jhmas\/jrr032|pmid=21724643|pmc=3376001}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=McLynn |first1=Frank |title=Napoleon |date=1997 |edition=1998|publisher=Pimlico |isbn=978-0-7126-6247-5}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=McManners |first=John |title=The French Revolution and the Church |year=1969 |isbn=978-0-313-23074-5 |publisher=Praeger |edition=1982}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=McMillan|first=James H|title=France and women, 1789\u20131914: gender, society and politics|publisher=Routledge|year=1999|isbn=978-0-415-22602-8}}\r\n* {{cite book |editor-last1=Melzer|editor-first1=Sarah|editor-last2=Rabine|editor-first2=Leslie|title=Rebel Daughters: Women and the French Revolution|year=1992 |publisher=Oxford University Press Inc|isbn=978-0-19-506886-3}}\r\n* {{cite book |editor-last=McPhee|editor-first=Peter|title=A Companion to the French Revolution|year=2012 |publisher=Wiley-Blackwell|isbn=978-1-4443-3564-4}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Mitchell |first1=CJ |title=Political Divisions within the Legislative Assembly of 1791 |journal=French Historical Studies |date=1984|volume=13|issue=3|pages=356\u2013389 |doi=10.2307\/286298 |jstor=286298}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Neely |first1=Sylvia|title=A Concise History of the French Revolution |year=2008 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |isbn=978-0-7425-3411-7}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last1=Palmer|first1=RR|jstor=368736|title=How Five Centuries of Educational Philanthropy Disappeared in the French Revolution|journal=History of Education Quarterly|volume=26|issue=2|year=1986|pages=181\u2013197|doi=10.2307\/368736}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Palmer |first1=Robert |last2=Colton |first2=Joel |title=A History of the Modern World |year=1995 |isbn=978-0-679-43253-1 |publisher=Alfred A Knopf}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Price |first1=Munro |title=The Road from Versailles: Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, and the Fall of the French Monarchy |date=2003 |publisher=St Martins Press |isbn=978-0-312-26879-4}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Rossignol |first1=Marie-Jeanne |title=The American Revolution in France: Under the Shadow of the French Revolution in ''Europe's American Revolution'' |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-230-28845-4}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Rothenberg |first1=Gunter |title=The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon |journal=The Journal of Interdisciplinary History |date=1988 |volume=18 |issue=4 |pages=771\u2013793 |doi=10.2307\/204824 |jstor=204824}}\r\n* {{cite book |title=The French Revolution: Its Causes, Its History and Its Legacy After 200 Years |year=1991 |publisher=Grove Press |isbn=978-0-8021-3272-7 |last1=Rude |first1=George |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=f1pMIbvzKckC}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Sargent |first1=Thomas J |last2=Velde |first2=Francois R |title=Macroeconomic features of the French Revolution |journal=Journal of Political Economy |volume=103 |issue=3 |year=1995|pages=474\u2013518 |doi=10.1086\/261992 |s2cid=153904650 }}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Schama |first1=Simon |author-link=Simon Schama|title=Citizens, A Chronicle of The French Revolution |publisher=Penguin |year=1989 |edition=2004 |isbn=978-0-14-101727-3}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Schama |first1=Simon |publisher=Harper Collins |year=1977 |isbn=978-0-00-216701-7 |title=Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands, 1780\u20131813}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Shlapentokh|first=Dmitry|title=A problem in self-identity: Russian intellectual thought in the context of the French Revolution|journal=European Studies|year=1996|volume=26|issue=1|pages=061\u201376|doi=10.1177\/004724419602600104|s2cid=145177231}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Scott |first1=Samuel |title=Problems of Law and Order during 1790, the \"Peaceful\" Year of the French Revolution |journal=The American Historical Review |date=1975 |volume=80 |issue=4|pages=859\u2013888 |doi=10.2307\/1867442 | jstor=1867442}}\r\n* {{cite book |last=Shusterman |first=Noah |title=The French Revolution; Faith, Desire, and Politics |year=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-66021-1}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Soboul |first1=Albert |author-link=Albert Soboul|title=The French Revolution 1787\u20131799|year=1975 |publisher=Vintage|isbn=978-0-394-71220-8}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Soboul |first1=Albert |author-link=Albert Soboul|title=A short history of the French Revolution: 1789\u20131799 |year=1977 |publisher=University of California Press, Ltd |isbn=978-0-520-03419-8 |others=Geoffrey Symcox}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last1=Soper|first1=J. Christopher|last2=Fetzer|first2=Joel S|title=Explaining the accommodation of Muslim religious practices in France, Britain, and Germany|journal=French Politics|year=2003|volume=1|issue=1|pages=39\u201359|doi=10.1057\/palgrave.fp.8200018|s2cid=145008815}}\r\n* {{cite book|last=Stewart|first=John|title=A Documentary Survey of the French revolution|publisher=Macmillan|year=1951}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Sutherland |first1=D. M. G.|jstor=2697970 |title=Peasants, Lords, and Leviathan: Winners and Losers from the Abolition of French Feudalism, 1780\u20131820 |journal=The Journal of Economic History |volume=62 |issue=1 |year=2002|pages=1\u201324}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Tackett |first1=Timothy |title=The Flight to Varennes and the Coming of the Terror |journal=Historical Reflections \/ R\u00E9flexions Historiques |date=2003 |volume=29 |issue=3 |pages=469\u2013493 |jstor=41299285}}\r\n* {{cite book|last1=Tackett|first1=Timothy|title=When the King Took Flight|date=2004|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn= 978-0-674-01642-2}}\r\n* {{cite journal|last1=Tackett|first1=Timothy |title=Rumor and Revolution: The Case of the September Massacres|journal=French History and Civilization|date=2011 |volume=4|url=https:\/\/h-france.net\/rude\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/08\/TackettVol4.pdf}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Thompson |first1=J.M. |title=The French Revolution |year=1959 |publisher=Basil Blackwell}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Thompson |first1=J.M. |title=Robespierre and the French Revolution|year=1952 |publisher=The English Universities Press|isbn= 978-0340083697}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Tilly |first1=Louise |title=Food Entitlement, Famine, and Conflict |journal=The Journal of Interdisciplinary History |date=1983 |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=333\u2013349 |doi=10.2307\/203708 |jstor=203708}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Tombs |first1=Robert |last2=Tombs |first2=Isabelle |year=2007 |title=That Sweet Enemy: The French and the British from the Sun King to the Present |publisher=Random House |isbn=978-1-4000-4024-7}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Vardi |first1=Liana|jstor=286554 |title=The Abolition of the Guilds during the French Revolution |journal=French Historical Studies |volume=15 |issue=4|year=1988 |pages=704\u2013717|doi=10.2307\/286554}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Wasson |first1=Ellis |title=A History of Modern Britain: 1714 to the Present |year=2009 |publisher=John Wiley & Sons |isbn=978-1-4051-3935-9}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Weir |first1=David |title=Tontines, Public Finance, and Revolution in France and England, 1688\u20131789 |journal=The Journal of Economic History |date=1989 |volume=49 |issue=1 |pages=95\u2013124 |doi=10.1017\/S002205070000735X |jstor=2121419}}\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=White |first1=Eugene Nelson |title=The French Revolution and the Politics of Government Finance, 1770\u20131815 |journal=The Journal of Economic History |date=1995 |volume=55 |issue=2 |pages=227\u2013255 |doi=10.1017\/S0022050700041048 |jstor=2123552}}\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Woronoff |first1=Denis |title=The Thermidorean regime and the directory: 1794\u20131799 |year=1984 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-28917-7 }}\r\n{{refend}}\r\n\r\n== Bibliography ==\r\n{{see also|Historiography of the French Revolution}}\r\n{{refbegin}}\r\n\r\n=== Surveys and reference ===\r\n* Andress, David, ed. ''The Oxford Handbook of the French Revolution'' (Oxford University Press, 2015). [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Oxford-Handbook-French-Revolution-Handbooks\/dp\/0199639744\/ excerpt], 714 pp; 37 articles by experts\r\n* Aulard, Fran\u00E7ois-Alphonse. ''The French Revolution, a Political History, 1789\u20131804'' (4 vol. 1910); famous classic; [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/frenchrevolutio02mialgoog volume 1 1789\u20131792 online]; [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/bub_gb_UJMJAQAAIAAJ Volume 2 1792\u201395 online]\r\n* [[Joxe Azurmendi|Azurmendi, Joxe]] (1997). [https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20160303184957\/http:\/\/basque.criticalstew.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/The-democrats-and-the-violent.pdf ''The democrats and the violent. Mirande's critique of the French Revolution'']. Philosophical viewpoint. (Original: ''Demokratak eta biolentoak'', Donostia: Elkar {{ISBN|978-84-7917-744-7}}).\r\n* Ballard, Richard. ''A New Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (2011) [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/New-Dictionary-French-Revolution\/dp\/184885465X\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Bosher, J.F. ''The French Revolution'' (1989) 365 pp\r\n* Davies, Peter. ''The French Revolution: A Beginner's Guide'' (2009), 192 pp\r\n* Gershoy, Leo. ''The French Revolution and Napoleon'' (1945) 585 pp\r\n* Gershoy, Leo. ''The Era of the French Revolution, 1789\u20131799'' (1957), brief summary with some primary sources\r\n* Gottschalk, Louis R. ''The Era of the French Revolution'' (1929), cover 1780s to 1815\r\n* Hanson, Paul R. ''The A to Z of the French Revolution'' (2013)\r\n** Hanson, Paul R. ''Historical dictionary of the French Revolution'' (2015) [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/historicaldictio0ed2hans online]\r\n* {{cite book |last=Jaur\u00E8s |first=Jean |author-link=Jean Jaur\u00E8s |title=A Socialist History of the French Revolution |year=1903 |publisher=[[Pluto Press]] |edition=2015 |isbn=978-0-7453-3500-1}}; inspiration for Soboul and Lefebvre, one of the most important accounts of the Revolution in terms of shaping perspectives;\r\n* Jones, Colin. ''The Longman Companion to the French Revolution'' (1989)\r\n* Jones, Colin. ''The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon'' (2002) [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Great-Nation-Napoleon-Penguin-History\/dp\/0140130934\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* {{cite book |author=McPhee, Peter, ed. |title=A Companion to the French Revolution |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=Hj9dY-JAzw0C&pg=PR15 |year=2012 |publisher=Wiley |isbn=978-1-118-31641-2}}\r\n* [[Louis Madelin|Madelin, Louis.]] ''The French Revolution'' (1916); textbook by leading French scholar. [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/cu31924024309704 online]\r\n* Paxton, John. ''Companion to the French Revolution'' (1987), 234 pp; hundreds of short entries.\r\n* Popkin, Jeremy D. ''A Short History of the French Revolution'' (5th ed. 2009) 176 pp\r\n* {{cite journal|last=Popkin|first=Jeremy D|title=The Press and the French Revolution after Two Hundred Years|journal=French Historical Studies |year=1990|volume=16|issue=3|pages=664\u2013683|doi=10.2307\/286493|jstor=286493}}\r\n* Scott, Samuel F. and Barry Rothaus, eds. ''Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789\u20131799'' (2 vol 1984), short essays by scholars [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/1349250\/historical-dictionary-of-the-french-revolution-1789-1799 vol. 1 online]; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/read\/71902167\/historical-dictionary-of-the-french-revolution-1789-1799 vol 2 online]\r\n* Sutherland, D.M.G. ''France 1789\u20131815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2003, 430 pp [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/French-Revolution-Empire-Quest-Civic\/dp\/0631233636\/ excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]\r\n\r\n=== European and Atlantic History ===\r\n* Amann, Peter H., ed. ''The eighteenth-century revolution: French or Western?'' (Heath, 1963) readings from historians\r\n* Brinton, Crane. ''A Decade of Revolution 1789\u20131799'' (1934) the Revolution in European context\r\n* Desan, Suzanne, et al. eds. ''The French Revolution in Global Perspective'' (2013)\r\n* Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. ''The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History'' (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)\r\n* Goodwin, A., ed. '' The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 8: The American and French Revolutions, 1763\u201393'' (1965), 764 pp\r\n* Palmer, R.R. \"The World Revolution of the West: 1763\u20131801,\" ''Political Science Quarterly'' (1954) 69#1 pp. 1\u201314 {{JSTOR|2145054}}\r\n* Palmer, Robert R. ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760\u20131800.'' (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/read\/22790906 vol 1 online]\r\n* Rude, George F. and Harvey J. Kaye. ''Revolutionary Europe, 1783\u20131815'' (2000), scholarly survey [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Revolutionary-Europe-Blackwell-Classic-Histories\/dp\/0631221905\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n\r\n=== Politics and wars ===\r\n* Andress, David. ''The terror: Civil war in the French revolution'' (2006).\r\n* ed. [[Baker, Keith M.]] ''The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture'' (Oxford, 1987\u201394) ''vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1987); ''vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution,'' ed. C. Lucas (1988); ''vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789\u20131848,'' eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); ''vol. 4: The Terror,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1994). [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/French-Revolution-Creation-Political-Culture\/dp\/0080413870\/ excerpt and text search vol 4]\r\n* [[Blanning, T.C.W.]] ''The French Revolutionary Wars 1787\u20131802'' (1996).\r\n* [[Desan, Suzanne]]. \"Internationalizing the French Revolution,\" ''[[French Politics, Culture & Society]]'' (2011) 29#2 pp. 137\u201360.\r\n* [[William Doyle (historian)|Doyle, William]]. ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (3rd ed. 1999) [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/book\/origins-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online edition]\r\n* Englund, Steven. ''Napoleon: A Political Life.'' (2004). 575 pp; emphasis on politics [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Napoleon-Political-Life-Steven-Englund\/dp\/0674018036\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ''The French Revolutionary Wars'' (2013), 96 pp; [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/French-Revolutionary-Wars-Essential-Histories-ebook\/dp\/B00DSLXXKM\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* [[Griffith, Paddy]]. ''The Art of War of Revolutionary France 1789\u20131802,'' (1998); 304 pp; [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Art-War-Revolutionary-France-1789-1802\/dp\/1853673358\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* {{cite journal |author-link=Gunther E. Rothenberg |last1=Rothenberg |first1=Gunther E. |title=The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon |journal=[[Journal of Interdisciplinary History]] |volume=18 |number=4 |date=Spring 1988 |pages=771\u201393 |jstor=204824 |doi=10.2307\/204824}}\r\n* Hardman, John. ''Louis XVI: The Silent King'' (2nd ed. 2016) 500 pp; much expanded new edition; now the standard scholarly biography; (1st ed. 1994) 224; older scholarly biography\r\n* [[Schroeder, Paul]]. ''The Transformation of European Politics, 1763\u20131848.'' 1996; Thorough coverage of diplomatic history; hostile to Napoleon; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/book\/the-transformation-of-european-politics-1763-1848-by-paul-w-schroeder.jsp online edition]\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Wahnich |first1=Sophie |date=2016 |title=In Defence of the Terror: Liberty or Death in the French Revolution |publisher=Verso |edition=Reprint |isbn=978-1-78478-202-3}}\r\n\r\n=== Economy and society ===\r\n* Anderson, James Maxwell. ''Daily life during the French Revolution'' (2007)\r\n* Andress, David. ''French Society in Revolution, 1789\u20131799'' (1999)\r\n* Kennedy, Emmet. ''A Cultural History of the French Revolution'' (1989)\r\n* McPhee, Peter. \"The French Revolution, Peasants, and Capitalism,\" ''American Historical Review'' (1989) 94#5 pp. 1265\u201380 {{JSTOR|906350}}\r\n* Tackett, Timothy, \"The French Revolution and religion to 1794,\" and Suzanne Desan, \"The French Revolution and religion, 1795\u20131815,\" in Stewart J. Brown and Timothy Tackett, eds. ''The Cambridge History of Christianity'' vol. 7 (Cambridge UP, 2006).\r\n\r\n==== Women ====\r\n* Dalton, Susan. \"Gender and the Shifting Ground of Revolutionary Politics: The Case of Madame Roland.\" ''Canadian journal of history'' (2001) 36#2\r\n* Godineau, Dominique. ''The Women of Paris and Their French Revolution'' (1998) 440 pp 1998\r\n* Hufton, Olwen. \"Women in Revolution 1789\u20131796\" ''Past & Present'' (1971) No. 53 pp. 90\u2013108 {{JSTOR|650282}}\r\n* Hufton, Olwen. \"In Search of Counter-Revolutionary Women.\" ''The French Revolution: Recent debates and New Controversies'' Ed. [[Gary Kates]]. (1998) pp. 302\u201336\r\n* Kelly, Linda. ''Women of the French Revolution'' (1987) 192 pp. biographical portraits or prominent writers and activists\r\n* Landes, Joan B. ''Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution'' (Cornell University Press, 1988) [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Women-Public-Sphere-French-Revolution\/dp\/0801494818\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Melzer, Sara E., and Leslie W. Rabine, eds. ''Rebel daughters: women and the French Revolution'' (Oxford University Press, 1992)\r\n* Proctor, Candice E. ''Women, Equality, and the French Revolution'' (Greenwood Press, 1990) [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/read\/14219316\/women-equality-and-the-french-revolution online]\r\n* Roessler, Shirley Elson. ''Out of the Shadows: Women and Politics in the French Revolution, 1789\u201395'' (Peter Lang, 1998) [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/read\/53103857\/out-of-the-shadows-women-and-politics-in-the-french online]\r\n\r\n=== Historiography and memory ===\r\n{{main|Historiography of the French Revolution}}\r\n* Andress, David. \"Interpreting the French Revolution,\" ''Teaching History'' (2013), Issue 150, pp. 28\u201329, very short summary\r\n* Censer, Jack R. \"Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution.\" ''Journal of Social History 2003'' 37(1): 145\u201350. [http:\/\/muse.jhu.edu\/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=\/journals\/journal_of_social_history\/v037\/37.1censer.html online]\r\n* Cox, Marvin R. ''The Place of the French Revolution in History'' (1997) 288 pp\r\n* Desan, Suzanne. \"What's after Political Culture? Recent French Revolutionary Historiography,\" ''French Historical Studies'' (2000) 23#1 pp. 163\u201396.\r\n* Furet, Fran\u00E7ois and Mona Ozouf, eds. ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (1989), 1120 pp; long essays by scholars; strong on history of ideas and historiography (esp pp. 881\u20131034 [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Critical-Dictionary-French-Revolution\/dp\/0674177282\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Furet, Fran\u00E7ois. ''Interpreting the French revolution'' (1981).\r\n* Germani, Ian, and Robin Swayles. ''Symbols, myths and images of the French Revolution''. University of Regina Publications. 1998. {{ISBN|978-0-88977-108-6}}\r\n* Geyl, Pieter. ''Napoleon for and Against'' (1949), 477 pp; summarizes views of major historians on controversial issues\r\n* Hanson, Paul R. ''Contesting the French Revolution'' (2009). 248 pp.\r\n* Kafker, Frank A. and James M. Laux, eds. ''The French Revolution: Conflicting Interpretations'' (5th ed. 2002), articles by scholars\r\n* Kaplan, Steven Laurence. ''Farewell, Revolution: The Historians' Feud, France, 1789\/1989'' (1996), focus on historians [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Farewell-Revolution-Historians-Feud-France\/dp\/0801482712\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Kaplan, Steven Laurence. ''Farewell, Revolution: Disputed Legacies, France, 1789\/1989'' (1995); focus on bitter debates re 200th anniversary [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Farewell-Revolution-Disputed-Legacies-France\/dp\/0801427185\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* [[Kates, Gary]], ed. ''The French Revolution: Recent Debates and New Controversies'' (2nd ed. 2005) [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/French-Revolution-Controversies-Rewriting-Histories\/dp\/0415358337\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Lewis, Gwynne. ''The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate'' (1993) [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/103416378\/the-french-revolution-rethinking-the-debate online]; 142 pp.\r\n* {{cite book |author=McPhee, Peter, ed. |title=A Companion to the French Revolution |url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=Hj9dY-JAzw0C&pg=PR15 |year=2012 |publisher=Wiley |isbn=978-1-118-31641-2}}; 540 pp; 30 essays by experts; emphasis on historiography and memory\r\n* Reichardt, Rolf: [http:\/\/nbn-resolving.de\/urn:nbn:de:0159-2012082703 ''The French Revolution as a European Media Event''], [[European History Online]], Mainz: [[Institute of European History]], 2010, retrieved: 17 December 2012.\r\n* Ross, Steven T., ed. ''The French Revolution: conflict or continuity?'' (1971) 131 pp; excerpt from historians [http:\/\/trove.nla.gov.au\/work\/11449740?selectedversion=NBD535017 table of contents]\r\n\r\n=== Primary sources ===\r\n{{Wikisource portal|French Revolution}}\r\n* {{cite book |author=Anderson, F.M. |title=The constitutions and other select documents illustrative of the history of France, 1789\u20131901 |publisher=The H. W. Wilson company 1904. |url=https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/constitutionsan02andegoog |year=1904}}, complete text online\r\n* {{cite journal |last1=Burke |first1=Edmund |title=Reflections on the Revolution in France |journal=The Physics Teacher |volume=25 |issue=2 |page=72 |date=1790 |title-link=Reflections on the Revolution in France |bibcode=1987PhTea..25...72F |doi=10.1119\/1.2342155}}\r\n* Dwyer, Philip G. and Peter McPhee, eds. '' The French Revolution and Napoleon: A Sourcebook'' (2002) 235 pp; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/108790015\/the-french-revolution-and-napoleon-a-sourcebook online]\r\n* Legg, L.G. Wickham, ed. ''Select Documents Illustrative of the History of the French Revolution'' (2 Volumes, 1905) 630 pp [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/cu31924024309985 vol 1 online free]; in French (not translated)\r\n* Levy, Darline Gay, et al. eds. ''Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789\u20131795'' (1981) 244 pp [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Women-Revolutionary-Paris-1789-1795-Darline\/dp\/0252008553\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Mason, Laura, and Tracey Rizzo, eds. ''The French Revolution: A Document Collection'' (1998) 334 pp [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/The-French-Revolution-Document-Collection\/dp\/0669417807\/ excerpt and text search]\r\n* Stewart, John Hall, ed. ''A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution'' (1951), 818 pp\r\n* Thompson, J.M., ed. ''The French revolution: Documents, 1789\u201394'' (1948), 287 pp\r\n* {{Mignet}}\r\n{{refend}}\r\n\r\n== External links ==\r\n{{Commons category}}\r\n{{Wikiquote}}\r\n{{Library resources box|onlinebooks=yes|label=the French Revolution}}\r\n* [http:\/\/www.domaine-vizille.fr\/ Museum of the French Revolution] (French)\r\n* [http:\/\/www.fordham.edu\/halsall\/mod\/modsbook13.html Primary source documents] from The Internet Modern History Sourcebook.\r\n* [http:\/\/chnm.gmu.edu\/revolution\/ Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution], a collaborative site by the Center for History and New Media (George Mason University) and the American Social History Project (City University of New York).\r\n* Vancea, S. [https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20151114165139\/http:\/\/cliojournal.wikispaces.com\/The%20Cahiers%20de%20Doleances%20of%201789 The Cahiers de Doleances of 1789], Clio History Journal, 2008.\r\n* [https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20140130232229\/http:\/\/frda-stage.stanford.edu\/en\/images French Revolution Digital Archive] a collaboration of the Stanford University Libraries and the Biblioth\u00E8que nationale de France, containing 12000 digitised images\r\n* [http:\/\/les.guillotines.free.fr\/ The guillotined of the French Revolution] factsheets of all the sentenced to death of the French Revolution\r\n* [http:\/\/hdl.library.upenn.edu\/1017\/d\/ead\/upenn_rbml_MsColl515 Jean-Baptiste Lingaud papers], Kislak Center for Special Collections, Rare Books and Manuscripts, University of Pennsylvania. Includes a vast number of name lists and secret surveillance records as well as arrest warrants for aristocrats and their sympathisers. Most notable in this part of the collection are letters and documents from the Revolutionary Committee and the Surveillance Committee.\r\n* [http:\/\/purl.lib.ua.edu\/18375 French Revolution Pamphlets], Division of Special Collections, University of Alabama Libraries. Over 300 digitised pamphlets, from writers including Robespierre, St. Juste, Desmoulins, and Danton.\r\n* [http:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/programmes\/p00547gg \"The French Revolution's Legacy\"] BBC Radio 4 discussion with Stefan Collini, Anne Janowitz and Andrew Roberts (''In Our Time'', 14 June 2001)\r\n\r\n{{S-start}}\r\n{{s-bef|before=[[Ancien R\u00E9gime in France|Ancien R\u00E9gime (Old Regime)]]}}\r\n{{s-ttl|title=French Revolution|years=1789\u20131792}}\r\n{{s-aft|after=[[French First Republic]]}}\r\n{{S-end}}\r\n\r\n{{French revolution footer}}\r\n{{France topics}}\r\n{{History of Europe}}\r\n{{History of the Catholic Church}}\r\n\r\n{{Authority control}}\r\n\r\n[[Category:French Revolution| ]]\r\n[[Category:1789 in France]]\r\n[[Category:1790s in France]]\r\n[[Category:18th-century rebellions]]\r\n[[Category:18th-century revolutions]]\r\n[[Category:Conflicts in 1789]]\r\n[[Category:Conflicts in 1790]]\r\n[[Category:Conflicts in 1791]]\r\n[[Category:Conflicts in 1792]]\r\n[[Category:Modern history of France]]\r\n[[Category:Republicanism in France]]\r\n" +} diff --git a/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json b/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json new file mode 100644 index 000000000..aadf99d06 --- /dev/null +++ b/spec/test_data/Wikipedia_EN_InfluenceOfTheFrenchRevolution.json @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +{ + "text": "The [[French Revolution]] had a major impact on Europe and the New World. Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in European history.Linda S. Frey and Marsha L. Frey, ''The French Revolution'' (2004), Foreword.<\/ref>R.R. Palmer and Joel Colton, ''A History of the Modern World'' (5th ed. 1978), p. 341<\/ref>Ferenc Feh\u00E9r, ''The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity'', (1990) pp. 117-30<\/ref> In the short-term, France lost thousands of its countrymen in the form of [[\u00E9migr\u00E9s]], or emigrants who wished to escape political tensions and save their lives. A number of individuals settled in the neighboring countries (chiefly Great Britain, Germany and Austria), while some settled in Russia, and quite a few also went to the United States. The displacement of these Frenchmen led to a spread of French culture, policies regulating immigration, and a safe haven for [[Royalist (France)|Royalists]] and other counterrevolutionaries to outlast the violence of the French Revolution. The long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society, religion and ideas, and politics for more than a century. The closer other countries were, the greater and deeper was the French impact, bringing [[liberalism]] and the end of many feudal or traditional laws and practices.Mike Rapport and Peter McPhee. \"The International Repercussions of the French Revolution\", in ''A Companion to the French Revolution'' (2013), pp 379\u201396.<\/ref>{{cite book|last1=Klaits|first1=Joseph|last2=Haltzel|first2=Michael H.|last3=Haltzel|first3=Michael|title=Global Ramifications of the American Revolution|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=vVilfUkW5usC|year=2002|publisher=Cambridge UP|isbn=9780521524476}}<\/ref> However, there was also a [[Conservativism in France|conservative counter-reaction]] that defeated [[Napoleon]], [[Bourbon Restoration in France|reinstalled the Bourbon kings]], and in some ways reversed the new reforms.Frederick B. Artz, ''Reaction & Revolution: 1814\u20131832'' (Rise of Modern Europe) (1934), pp. 142\u201343<\/ref>\r\n\r\nMost of the new nations created by France were abolished and returned to prewar owners in 1814. However, Frederick Artz emphasizes the benefits the Italians gained from the French Revolution:\r\n:For nearly two decades the Italians had the excellent codes of law, a fair system of taxation, a better economic situation, and more religious and intellectual toleration than they had known for centuries.... Everywhere old physical, economic, and intellectual barriers had been thrown down and the Italians had begun to be aware of a common nationality.\r\n\r\nLikewise in [[History of Switzerland|Switzerland]] the long-term impact of the French Revolution has been assessed by Martin:\r\n:It proclaimed the equality of citizens before the law, equality of languages, freedom of thought and faith; it created a Swiss citizenship, basis of our modern nationality, and the separation of powers, of which the old regime had no conception; it suppressed internal tariffs and other economic restraints; it unified weights and measures, reformed civil and penal law, authorized mixed marriages (between Catholics and Protestants), suppressed torture and improved justice; it developed education and public works.William Martin, ''Histoire de la Suisse'' (Paris, 1926), pp 187\u201388, quoted in Crane Brinson, ''A Decade of Revolution: 1789\u20131799'' (1934), p. 235.<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThe greatest impact came in France itself. In addition to effects similar to those in Italy and Switzerland, France saw the introduction of the principle of legal equality, and the downgrading of the once powerful and rich Catholic Church to just a bureau controlled by the government. Power became centralized in Paris, with its strong bureaucracy and an army supplied by conscripting all young men. French politics were permanently polarized\u2014'left' and 'right' were the new terms for the supporters and opponents of the principles of the Revolution.\r\n\r\n==Impact on France==\r\n{{Main|French Revolution#France}}\r\nThe changes in France were enormous; some were widely accepted and others were bitterly contested into the late 20th century.John Hall Stewart, ''A Documentary Survey of the french revolution'' (1951) pp 783\u201394<\/ref> Before the Revolution, the people had little power or voice. The kings had so thoroughly centralized the system that most nobles spent their time at Versailles, and played only a small direct role in their home districts. Thompson says that the kings had:\r\n:ruled by virtue of their personal wealth, their patronage of the nobility, their disposal of ecclesiastical offices, their provincial governors (''intendants''), their control over the judges and magistrates, and their command of the Army.J.M. Thompson, ''Robespierre and the French Revolution'' (1962), p. 22<\/ref>\r\n\r\nAfter the first year of revolution, this power had been stripped away. The king was a figurehead, the nobility had lost all their titles and most of their land, the Church lost its monasteries and farmlands, bishops, judges and magistrates were elected by the people, the army was almost helpless, with military power in the hands of the new revolutionary National Guard. The central elements of 1789 were the slogan \"''[[Libert\u00E9, \u00E9galit\u00E9, fraternit\u00E9]]''\" and the [[Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen]], which Lefebvre calls \"the incarnation of the Revolution as a whole.\"{{cite book|author=Georges Lefebvre|title=The Coming of the French Revolution|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=P4EYuia7buUC&pg=PA212|orig-year=1947|year=2005|publisher=Princeton UP|page=212|isbn=0691121885}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThe long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society, religion and ideas, and polarizing politics for more than a century. [[Fran\u00E7ois Victor Alphonse Aulard|Historian Fran\u00E7ois Aulard]] writes:\r\n:From the social point of view, the Revolution consisted in the suppression of what was called the feudal system, in the emancipation of the individual, in greater division of landed property, the abolition of the privileges of noble birth, the establishment of equality, the simplification of life.... The French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at benefiting all humanity.\"{{cite book|author=A. Aulard in Arthur Tilley, ed.|title= Modern France. A Companion to French Studies|url=https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/modernfrancecomp00tilluoft|year=1922|publisher=Cambridge UP|page=[https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/modernfrancecomp00tilluoft\/page\/115 115]}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==Impact on Europe==\r\n\r\nEurope was wracked by two decades of war revolving around France's efforts to spread its revolutionary ideals, and the opposition of reactionary royalty by the members of the anti-French coalitions. Napoleon was finally defeated and reactionaries took over France. Even so there were many deep results in terms of political ideas and institutions.Annie Jourdan, \"Napoleon and Europe: the legacy of the French Revolution.\" in ''The Routledge Companion to the French Revolution in World History'' (Routledge, 2015) pp. 221-238.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===French emigration===\r\n{{Main|French emigration (1789\u20131815)}}To escape political tensions and save their lives, a number of individuals, mostly men, emigrated from France. Many settled in neighboring countries (chiefly Great Britain, Germany, Austria, and Prussia), and quite a few went to the United States. The presence of these thousands of Frenchmen of varying socioeconomic backgrounds who had just fled a hotbed of revolutionary activity posed a problem for the nations that extended refuge to the migrants. The fear was that they brought with them a plot to disrupt the political order, which did lead to increased regulation and documentation of the influx of immigrants in neighboring countries. Still, most nations such as Britain remained magnanimous and welcomed the French.\r\n\r\n===French conquests===\r\nIn foreign affairs, the French Army at first was quite successful. It conquered the [[Austrian Netherlands]] (approximately modern-day Belgium) and turned it into another province of France. It conquered the [[Dutch Republic]] (the present Netherlands), and made it a puppet state. It took control of the German areas on the left bank of the Rhine River and set up a puppet regime. It conquered Switzerland and most of Italy, setting up a series of puppet states. The result was glory for France, and an infusion of much needed money from the conquered lands, which also provided direct support to the French Army. However the enemies of France, led by Britain and funded by the British Treasury, formed a Second Coalition in 1799 (with Britain joined by Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and Austria). It scored a series of victories that rolled back French successes, and the French Army became trapped in Egypt. Napoleon himself slipped through the British blockade in October 1799, returning to Paris.William Doyle, ''The Oxford History of the French Revolution'' (1989), pp 341\u201368.<\/ref>\r\n\r\nNapoleon conquered most of Italy in the name of the French Revolution in 1797\u201399. He consolidated old units and split up Austria's holdings. He set up a series of new republics, complete with new codes of law and abolition of old feudal privileges. Napoleon's [[Cisalpine Republic]] was centered on Milan. Genoa the city became a republic while its hinterland became the [[Ligurian Republic]]. The [[Roman Republic (18th century)|Roman Republic]] was formed out of the papal holdings while the pope himself was sent to France. The [[Neapolitan Republic (1799)|Neapolitan Republic]] was formed around Naples, but it lasted only five months before the enemy forces of the Coalition recaptured it.Steven T. Ross, ''European Diplomatic History, 1789\u20131815: France Against Europe'' (1969)<\/ref>\r\n\r\nIn 1805 he formed the [[Kingdom of Italy (Napoleonic)|Kingdom of Italy]], with himself as king and his stepson as viceroy. In addition, France turned the Netherlands into the [[Batavian Republic]], and Switzerland into the [[Helvetic Republic]]. All these new countries were satellites of France and had to pay large subsidies to Paris, as well as provide military support for Napoleon's wars. Their political and administrative systems were modernized, the metric system introduced, and trade barriers reduced. Jewish ghettos were abolished. Belgium and Piedmont became integral parts of France.Alexander Grab, ''Napoleon and the Transformation of Europe'' (2003) pp 62\u201365, 78\u201379, 88\u201396, 115\u201317, 154\u201359<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2:293\u2013326, 365\u201394<\/ref>
The new nations were abolished and returned to prewar owners in 1814. However, Artz emphasizes the benefits the Italians gained from the French Revolution:\r\n:For nearly two decades the Italians had the excellent codes of law, a fair system of taxation, a better economic situation, and more religious and intellectual toleration than they had known for centuries.... Everywhere old physical, economic, and intellectual barriers had been thrown down and the Italians had begun to be aware of a common nationality.\r\n\r\n===Nationalism===\r\nOtto Dann and John Dinwiddy report, \"It has long been almost a truism of European history that the French Revolution gave a great\r\nstimulus to the growth of modern nationalism.\"{{cite book|last1=Dann|first1=Otto|last2=Dinwiddy|first2=John|title=Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=qrujM36H7qUC&pg=PP13|year=1988|publisher=Continuum|page=13|isbn=9780907628972}}<\/ref> Nationalism was emphasized by historian [[Carlton J.H. Hayes]] as a major result of the French Revolution across Europe. The impact on French nationalism was profound. Napoleon became such a heroic symbol of the nation that the glory was easily picked up by his nephew, who was overwhelmingly elected president (and later became Emperor Napoleon III).Beatrice Fry Hyslop, ''French Nationalism in 1789'' (1968) especially chap. 7<\/ref> The influence was great in the hundreds of small German states and elsewhere, where it was either inspired by the French example or in reaction against it.Carlton J. H. Hayes, ''The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism'' (1931), ch 2\u20133<\/ref>{{cite book|last=Keitner|first=Chimene I.|title=The Paradoxes of Nationalism: The French Revolution and Its Meaning for Contemporary Nation Building|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=4MYLwpOJMnUC|year=2007|publisher=SUNY Press|page=12|isbn=9780791469583}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Britain===\r\n{{See also|Revolution Controversy|Aliens Act 1793|1794 Treason Trials}}\r\nAt the beginning of the Revolution, Britain supported the new [[constitutional monarchy]] in France, up until the regicide of [[Louis XVI]]. The majority of the British establishment were strongly opposed to the revolution. Britain, guided by [[Pitt the Younger]], led and funded the series of coalitions that fought France from 1793 to 1815, and with the deposition of [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] culminated with the (temporary) restoration of the Bourbons. [[Edmund Burke]] wrote ''[[Reflections on the Revolution in France]]'', a pamphlet notable for its defence of the principle of constitutional monarchy; the events surrounding the [[London Corresponding Society]] were an example of the fevered times.Emma Vincent Macleod, ''A War of Ideas: British Attitudes to the War against Revolutionary France, 1792\u20131802'' (1999)<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: The Struggle, Volume II'' (1970), pp 459\u2013505.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Ireland===\r\nIn Ireland, the effect was to transform what had been an attempt by the [[Protestant Ascendancy]] to gain some autonomy into a mass movement led by the [[Society of United Irishmen]] consisting of both Catholics and Protestants. It stimulated the demand for further reform throughout Ireland, especially in Ulster. These efforts culminated in the [[Irish Rebellion of 1798]], which was quickly suppressed.{{cite book|author=Nick Pelling|title=Anglo-Irish Relations: 1798 1922|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=ttSsGEWW3tcC&pg=PA5|year=2002|publisher=Routledge|pages=5\u201310|isbn=9780203986554}}<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2: 491\u2013508.<\/ref> This revolt is seen as the foundation for [[Irish republicanism]], which eventually led to the independence and [[partition of Ireland]] and the establishment of an [[Republic of Ireland|Irish republic]].\r\n\r\n===Germany===\r\n{{More citations needed section|date=December 2015}}\r\n{{Main|History of Germany#French Revolution 1789\u20131815}}\r\nGerman reaction to the Revolution swung from favorable at first to antagonistic. At first it brought liberal and democratic ideas, the end of guilds, of serfdom and of the Jewish ghetto. It brought economic freedoms and agrarian and legal reform. German intellectuals celebrated the outbreak, hoping to see the triumph of Reason and The Enlightenment. There were enemies as well, as the royal courts in Vienna and Berlin denounced the overthrow of the king and the threatened spread of notions of liberty, equality, and fraternity.\r\n\r\nBy 1793, the [[Execution of Louis XVI|execution of the French king]] and the onset of [[Reign of Terror|the Terror]] disillusioned the \"Bildungsb\u00FCrgertum\" (educated middle classes). Reformers said the solution was to have faith in the ability of Germans to reform their laws and institutions in peaceful fashion.James J. Sheehan, ''German History, 1770\u20131866'' (1993), pp. 207\u2013322.<\/ref>Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2:425-58<\/ref>Blanning Blanning, \"The French Revolution and the Modernization of Germany\", in ''Central European History'' (1989) 22#2, pp 109\u201329.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n[[File:Rheinbund 1812, political map.png|thumb|300px|The [[Confederation of the Rhine]], composed of client states under Napoleon's control, 1806 to 1813; most German states belonged except Prussia (in the northeast) and Austria (in the southeast). The map text is in German]]\r\nAfter Prussia was humiliated by Napoleon opinion swung against France and stimulated and shaped German nationalism.{{cite book|author=Theodore S. Hamerow|title=Restoration, Revolution, Reaction: Economics and Politics in Germany, 1815\u20131871|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=IPNXfV2-DhcC&pg=PA22|year=1958|publisher=Princeton UP|pages=22\u201324, 44\u201345|isbn=0691007551}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nFrance took direct control of the Rhineland 1794\u20131814 and radically and permanently liberalized the government, society and economy.T. C. W. Blanning, ''The French Revolution in Germany: Occupation and Resistance in the Rhineland 1792\u20131802'' (1983)<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThe French swept away centuries worth of outmoded restrictions and introduced unprecedented levels of efficiency. The chaos and barriers in a land divided and subdivided among many different petty principalities gave way to a rational, simplified, centralized system controlled by Paris and run by Napoleon's relatives. The most important impact came from the abolition of all feudal privileges and historic taxes, the introduction of legal reforms of the Napoleonic Code, and the reorganization of the judicial and local administrative systems. The economic integration of the Rhineland with France increased prosperity, especially in industrial production, while business accelerated with the new efficiency and lowered trade barriers. The Jews were liberated from the ghetto. One sour point was the hostility of the French officials toward the Roman Catholic Church, the choice of most of the residents. Much of South Germany felt a similar but more muted influence of the French Revolution, while in Prussia and areas to the east there was far less impact.Hajo Holborn, ''A History of Modern Germany, 1648\u20131840 (1964), pp 386\u201387.<\/ref> The reforms were permanent. Decades later workers and peasants in the Rhineland often appealed to Jacobinism to oppose unpopular government programs, while the intelligentsia demanded the maintenance of the Napoleonic Code (which was stayed in effect for a century).Michael Rowe, ''From Reich to state: the Rhineland in the revolutionary age, 1780\u20131830'' (2003)<\/ref>\r\n\r\n=== Poland ===\r\n{{Main| Duchy of Warsaw}}\r\n\r\nWhen the French invaded Russia, Prussia and Austria, Napoleon carved out a Polish state allied to the French known as The Duchy of Warsaw, the Polish had had their first glimpse of independence for 200 years since the partitions of Poland by Russia Austria and Prussia. This also led to an increase in Polish nationalism that would persist throughout the 19th and 20th century.\r\n\r\n===Switzerland===\r\n{{Main|Helvetic Republic}}\r\nThe French invaded Switzerland and turned it into an ally known as the \"[[Helvetic Republic]]\" (1798\u20131803). The interference with localism and traditional liberties was deeply resented, although some modernizing reforms took place.Lerner, Marc H. Lerner, \"The Helvetic Republic: An Ambivalent Reception of French Revolutionary Liberty\", ''French History'' (2004) 18#1, pp 50\u201375.<\/ref>R.R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2: 394\u2013421<\/ref> Resistance was strongest in the more traditional Catholic bastions, with armed uprisings breaking out in spring 1798 in the central part of Switzerland. Alois Von Reding, a powerful Swiss general, led an army of 10,000 men from the Cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Nidwalden against the French. This resulted in the Swiss regaining control of Lucerne, however due to the sheer greatness in size of the French army, Von Reding's movement was eventually suppressed. The French Army suppressed the uprisings but support for revolutionary ideals steadily declined, as the Swiss resented their loss of local democracy, the new taxes, the centralization, and the hostility to religion.{{cite book|author=Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy|title=Nationalism in the Age of the French Revolution|url=https:\/\/books.google.com\/books?id=qrujM36H7qUC&pg=PA194|year=1988|publisher=Continuum|pages=190\u201398|isbn=9780907628972}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThe instability of France resulted in the creation of two different revolutionary groups with different ideologies of revolt: The aristocrats, seeking the restoration of the Old Swiss Confederacy and a section of the population wanting a coup. Furthermore, Switzerland became a battleground between the armies of France, Austria and Russia. Ultimately, this instability, frequent coups within the government and the eventual Bourla-papey forced Napoleon to sign the Act of Medallion which led to the fall of the Helvetic Republic and the restoration of the Confederacy.\r\n\r\nThe long-term impact of the French Revolution has been assessed by Martin:\r\n:It proclaimed the equality of citizens before the law, equality of languages, freedom of thought and faith; it created a Swiss citizenship, basis of our modern nationality, and the separation of powers, of which the old regime had no conception; it suppressed internal tariffs and other economic restraints; it unified weights and measures, reformed civil and penal law, authorized mixed marriages (between Catholics and Protestants), suppressed torture and improved justice; it developed education and public works.William Martin, ''Histoire de la Suisse'' (Paris, 1926), pp 187\u201388, quoted in Crane Brinson, ''A Decade of Revolution: 1789\u20131799'' (1934), p. 235.<\/ref>\r\n:\r\n\r\n===Belgium===\r\n{{Main|Belgium in the long nineteenth century#French rule}}\r\nFrench invaded the territory of modern-day Belgium and controlled it between 1794\u20131814. The French imposed reforms and incorporated the territory into France. New rulers were sent in by Paris. Belgian men were drafted into the French wars and heavily taxed. Nearly everyone was Catholic, but the Church was repressed. Resistance was strong in every sector, as Belgian nationalism emerged to oppose French rule. The French legal system, however, was adopted, with its equal legal rights, and abolition of class distinctions. Belgium now had a government bureaucracy selected by merit.E.H. Kossmann, ''The Low Countries: 1780\u20131940'' (1978) pp 65\u201381, 101\u201302.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n[[Antwerp]] regained access to the sea and grew quickly as a major port and business center. France promoted commerce and capitalism, paving the way for the ascent of the bourgeoisie and the rapid growth of manufacturing and mining. In economics, therefore, the nobility declined while the middle class Belgian entrepreneurs flourished because of their inclusion in a large market, paving the way for Belgium's leadership role after 1815 in the [[Industrial Revolution]] on the Continent.Bernard A. Cook, ''Belgium'' (2005) pp 49\u201354<\/ref>Samuel Clark, \"Nobility, Bourgeoisie and the Industrial Revolution in Belgium,\" ''Past & Present'' (1984) # 105 pp. 140\u2013175; [https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/650548 in JSTOR]<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Netherlands===\r\n{{Main|Batavian Republic}}\r\nFrance turned the Netherlands into a puppet state that had to pay large indemnities.Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution'' 2: 394\u2013421<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Denmark, Norway and Sweden===\r\n{{Main|History of Denmark#Reforms}}\r\nThe Kingdom of Denmark (which included Norway) adopted liberalizing reforms in line with those of the French Revolution, with no direct contact. Danes were aware of French ideas and agreed with them, as it moved from Danish absolutism to a liberal constitutional system between 1750\u20131850. The change of government in 1784 was caused by a power vacuum created when King Christian VII took ill, and power shifted to the crown prince (who later became King Frederik VI) and reform-oriented landowners. In contrast to Old Regime France, agricultural reform was intensified in Denmark, serfdom was abolished and civil rights were extended to the peasants, the finances of the Danish state were healthy, and there were no external or internal crises. That is, reform was gradual and the regime itself carried out agrarian reforms that had the effect of weakening absolutism by creating a class of independent peasant freeholders. Much of the initiative came from well-organized liberals who directed political change in the first half of the 19th century.Henrik Horstboll, and Uffe Osterg\u00E5rd, \"Reform and Revolution: The French Revolution and the Case of Denmark,\" ''Scandinavian Journal of History'' (1990) 15#3 pp 155\u201379<\/ref>H. Arnold Barton, ''Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 1760\u20131815'' (1986)<\/ref>\r\n\r\nIn Sweden, King [[Gustav III of Sweden|Gustav III]] (reigned 1771\u201392) was an enlightened despot, who weakened the nobility and promoted numerous major social reforms. He felt the Swedish monarchy could survive and flourish by achieving a coalition with the newly emerged middle classes against the nobility. He was close to King Louis XVI so he was disgusted with French radicalism. Nevertheless, he decided to promote additional antifeudal reforms to strengthen his hand among the middle classes.Munro Price, \"Louis XVI and Gustavus III: Secret Diplomacy and Counter-Revolution, 1791\u20131792,\" ''Historical Journal'' (1999) 42#2 pp. 435\u2013466 [https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/3020995 in JSTOR]<\/ref> When the king was assassinated in 1792 his brother [[Charles XIII of Sweden|Charles]] became regent, but real power was with [[Gustaf Adolf Reuterholm]], who bitterly opposed the French Revolution and all its supporters. Under [[Gustav IV Adolf of Sweden|King Gustav IV Adolf]], Sweden joined various coalitions against Napoleon, but was badly defeated and lost much of its territory, especially Finland and Pomerania. The king was overthrown by the army, which in 1810 decided to bring in one of Napoleon's marshals, [[Charles XIV John of Sweden|Bernadotte]], as the heir apparent and army commander. He had a Jacobin background and was well-grounded in revolutionary principles, but put Sweden in the coalition that opposed Napoleon. Bernadotte served as a quite conservative king Charles XIV John of Sweden (1818\u201344),Alan Palmer, ''Bernadotte: Napoleon's Marshal, Sweden's King'' (1991)<\/ref> and his realm included Norway, taken from Denmark in 1814.\r\n\r\n==Impact outside Europe==\r\n===Middle East===\r\nThe impact of the French Revolution on the Middle East came in terms of the political and military impact of Napoleon's invasion; and in the eventual influence of revolutionary and liberal ideas and revolutionary movements or rebellions. In terms of Napoleon's invasion in 1798, the response by Ottoman officials was highly negative. They warned that traditional religion would be overthrown. Long-standing Ottoman friendship with France ended. Sultan [[Selim III]] immediately realized how far behind his empire was, and started to modernize both his army and his governmental system. In Egypt itself, the ruling elite of [[Mamluk#Egypt|Mamluks]] was permanently displaced, speeding the reforms. In intellectual terms, the immediate impact of the French Revolutionary ideas was nearly invisible, but there was a long-range influence on liberal ideas and the ideal of legal equality, as well as the notion of opposition to a tyrannical government. In this regard, the French Revolution brought such influential themes as constitutionalism, parliamentarianism, individual liberty, legal equality, and the sense of ethnic nationalism. These came to fruition about 1876.Nikki R. Keddied, \"The French Revolution in the Middle East\", in Joseph Klaits and Michael Haltzel, eds. ''Global Ramifications of the French Revolution'' (2002), pp 140\u201357.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Northern America===\r\n\r\n====British North America====\r\nThe press in the [[Province of Quebec (1763\u20131791)|colony of Quebec]] initially viewed the events of the Revolution positively.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=57}} Press coverage in Quebec on the Revolution was reliant, and reflective of public opinion in London, with the colony's press reliant on newspapers and reprints from journals from the British Isles.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=58}} The early positive reception of the French Revolution had made it politically difficult to justify withholding electoral institutions from the colony to both the British and Quebec public; with the British [[Home Secretary]] [[William Grenville]] remarking how it was hardly \"possible to 'maintain with success' the denial 'to so large a body of British Subjects, the benefits of the British Constitution'.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=63}} Governmental reforms introduced in the ''[[Constitutional Act 1791]]'' split Quebec into two separate colonies, [[Lower Canada]], and [[Upper Canada]]; and introduced electoral institutions to the two colonies.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=63}}\r\n\r\nOpposition to the French Revolution in Quebec first emerged from its clergy, after the French government confiscated the [[S\u00E9minaire de Qu\u00E9bec]]'s properties in France. However, most of the clergy in Quebec did not voice their opposition to the Revolution in its initial years, aware of the prevailing opinion of the colony at that time.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=63}} Public opinion in Quebec began to shift against the Revolution after the Flight to Varennes, and as popular accounts of disturbances in France in 1791 made its way to the colony.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=57}} After the September Massacres, and the subsequent execution of Louis XVI in January 1793, members of the Canadian clergy, and seigneurs began to openly voice opposition against the Revolution.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=65}} A shift in public opinion was also apparent in the first session of the [[Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada]], with the legislature voting against several bills inspired by the French Revolution.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=66}} By 1793, nearly all of the legislative assembly's members refused to be identified as \"democrats,\" a term that was used by supporters of the Revolution.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=70}} By the end of 1793, the clergy, seigneurs, and the bourgeoisie of the Canadas were openly opposed to the Revolution.{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=72}} Similar sentiments were also found with the \"second class of Canadians,\" who lauded \"the French revolution for its principles but detests the crimes it has spawned\".{{sfn|Greenwood|1993|p=73}}\r\n\r\nFrench migration to the Canadas was decelerated significantly during, and after the French Revolution; with only a small number of artisans, professionals, and religious emigres from France permitted to settle in the Canadas during that period.{{cite encyclopedia|url=https:\/\/www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca\/en\/article\/french-immigration-in-canada|title=French Immigration in Canada|last=Dupuis|first=Serge|date=26 February 2018|access-date=3 January 2020|encyclopedia=The Canadian Encyclopedia|publisher=Historica Canada}}<\/ref> Most of these migrants moved to [[Montreal]] or [[Quebec City]], although French nobleman [[Joseph-Genevi\u00E8ve de Puisaye]] also led a small group of French royalists to settle lands north of [[York, Upper Canada|York]] (present day [[Toronto]]). The influx of religious migrants from France reinvigorated the Roman Catholic Church in the Canadas, with the refectory priests who moved to the colonies being responsible for the establishment of a number of parishes throughout [[the Canadas]].\r\n\r\n====United States====\r\nThe French Revolution found widespread American support in its early phase, but when the king was executed it polarized American opinion and played a major role in shaping American politics.{{cite book|author=Charles Downer Hazen|title=Contemporary American Opinion of the French Revolution|url=https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/bub_gb_1s0z2bOEUFwC|year=1897|publisher=Johns Hopkins UP}}<\/ref> President George Washington declared neutrality in the European wars, but the polarization shaped the [[First Party System]]. In 1793, the first [[Democratic-Republican Societies|\"Democratic societies\"]] were formed. They supported the French Revolution in the wake of the execution of the king. The word \"democrat\" was proposed by French Ambassador [[Citizen Genet]] for the societies, which he was secretly subsidizing. The emerging [[Federalist party|Federalists]] led by [[Alexander Hamilton]] began to ridicule the supporters of [[Thomas Jefferson]] as \"democrats\". Genet now began mobilizing American voters using French money, for which he was expelled by President Washington.Genet would have been executed if he returned to Paris; he stayed in New York, became an American citizen, and married the daughter of the governor of New York. Eugene R. Sheridan, \"The Recall of Edmond Charles Genet: A Study in Transatlantic Politics and Diplomacy\", ''Diplomatic History'' (1994) 18#4 pp: 463\u201388.<\/ref>\r\n\r\nAfter President Washington denounced the societies as unrepublican, they faded away. In 1793, as war broke out in Europe, the [[Democratic-Republican Party|Jeffersonian Republican Party]] favored France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect. Washington and his unanimous cabinet (including Jefferson) decided the treaty did not bind the U.S. to enter the war, since they stopped being in favor of the Revolution after they executed the King; instead Washington proclaimed neutrality.Susan Dunn, ''Sister Revolutions: French Lightning, American Light'' (2000)<\/ref> Under President Adams, a Federalist, an undeclared naval war took place with France in 1798\u201399, called the \"[[Quasi War]]\". Jefferson became president in 1801, but was hostile to Napoleon as a dictator and emperor. Nevertheless, he did seize the opportunity to [[Louisiana Purchase|purchase Louisiana in 1803]].Lawrence S. Kaplan, \"Jefferson, the Napoleonic Wars, and the Balance of Power\", ''William and Mary Quarterly'' (1957) 14#2 pp. 196\u2013217 [https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/1922110 in JSTOR]<\/ref>\r\n\r\nThe broad similarities but different experiences between the French and American revolutions lead to a certain kinship between France and the United States, with both countries seeing themselves as pioneers of liberty and promoting republican ideals.{{cite web|title=Similarities Between the American and French Revolutions : Western Civilization II Guides|url=http:\/\/westerncivguides.umwblogs.org\/2012\/04\/16\/similarities-between-the-american-and-french-revolutions\/|website=Western Civilization II Guides|access-date=28 January 2017}}<\/ref> This bond manifested itself in such exchanges as the gift of the [[Statue of Liberty]] by France.{{cite web|title=The French Connection - Statue Of Liberty National Monument (U.S. National Park Service)|url=https:\/\/www.nps.gov\/stli\/learn\/historyculture\/the-french-connection.htm|website=www.nps.gov|access-date=28 January 2017|language=en}}<\/ref>\r\n\r\n===Latin America===\r\nThe call for modification of society was influenced by the revolution in France, and once the hope for change found a place in the hearts of the Haitian people, there was no stopping the radical reformation that was occurring.Rand, David. \"The Haitian Revolution.\" The Haitian Revolution. Accessed March 25, 2015. http:\/\/scholar.library.miami.edu\/slaves\/san_domingo_revolution\/{{dead link|date=November 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }} individual_essay\/david.html.<\/ref> The Enlightenment ideals and the initiation of the French Revolution were enough to inspire the [[Haitian Revolution]], which evolved into the most successful and comprehensive slave rebellion. Just as the French were successful in transforming their society, so were the Haitians. On April 4, 1792, The French National Assembly granted freedom to slaves in HaitiGhachem, Malick W. The Old Regime and the Haitian Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.<\/ref> and the revolution culminated in 1804; Haiti was an independent nation solely of freed peoples.Akamefula, Tiye, Camille Newsom, Burgey Marcos, and Jong Ho. \"Causes of the Haitian Revolution.\" Haitian Revolution. September 1, 2012. Accessed March 25, 2015. {{cite web |url=http:\/\/haitianrevolutionfblock.weebly.com\/causes-of-the-haitian-revolution.html |title=Archived copy |access-date=2015-03-26 |url-status = dead|archive-url=https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20150402133248\/http:\/\/haitianrevolutionfblock.weebly.com\/causes-of-the-haitian-revolution.html |archive-date=2015-04-02 }}.<\/ref> The activities of the revolutions sparked change across the world. France's transformation was most influential in Europe, and Haiti's influence spanned across every location that continued to practice slavery. John E. Baur honors Haiti as home of the most influential Revolution in history.Baur, John. \"International Repercussions of the Haitian Revolution.\" The Americas 26, no. 4 (1970).<\/ref>\r\n\r\nAs early as 1810, the term \"liberal\" was coined in Spanish politics to indicate supporters of the French Revolution. This usage passed to Latin America and animated the independence movement against Spain. In the nineteenth century \"Liberalism\" was the dominant element in Latin American political thought. French liberal ideas were especially influential in Mexico, particularly as seen through the writings of [[Alexis de Tocqueville]], [[Benjamin Constant]] and [[\u00C9douard Ren\u00E9 de Laboulaye]]. The Latin American political culture oscillated between two opposite poles: the ''traditional'', as based on highly specific personal and family ties to kin groups, communities, and religious identity; and the ''modern'', based on impersonal ideals of individualism, equality, legal rights, and secularism or anti-clericalism. The French Revolutionary model was the basis for the modern viewpoint, as explicated in Mexico in the writings of [[Jos\u00E9 Mar\u00EDa Luis Mora]] (1794\u20131850).\r\n\r\nIn Mexico, modern liberalism was best expressed in the [[Liberal Party (Mexico)|Liberal Party]], the [[Federal Constitution of the United Mexican States of 1857|Constitution of 1857]], the policies of [[Benito Ju\u00E1rez]], and finally by [[Francisco I. Madero]]'s democratic movement leading to the Revolution of 1911.Charles A. Hale, \"The revival of political history and the French Revolution in Mexico\", in Joseph Klaits and Michael Haltzel, eds. ''Global Ramifications of the French Revolution'' (2002), pp 158\u201376.<\/ref>\r\n\r\n==See also==\r\n* [[Edmund Burke#French Revolution: 1688 versus 1789]]\r\n* [[French Revolution and the English Gothic Novel]]\r\n* [[Liberalism#French revolution]]\r\n* [[Romanticism and the French Revolution]]\r\n* [[Papal States#French Revolution and Napoleonic era]]\r\n\r\n==References==\r\n{{Reflist}}\r\n\r\n==Further reading==\r\n* Amann, Peter H., ed. ''The Eighteenth-Century Revolution: French or Western?'' (Heath, 1963) readings from historians\r\n* Acemoglu, Daron; et al. ''The consequences of radical reform: the French Revolution'' (MIT Dept. of Economics, 2009] [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/consequencesofra00acem online free]\r\n* Artz, Frederick B. ''Reaction & Revolution: 1814\u20131832'' (Rise of Modern Europe) (1934) [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/in.ernet.dli.2015.499217\/page\/n5 online free]\r\n* {{cite journal|author=Bilici, Faruk|title=La R\u00E9volution Fran\u00E7aise dans l'Historiographie Turque (1789-1927) |language=fr|journal=[[Annales historiques de la R\u00E9volution fran\u00E7aise]]|publisher=[[Armand Colin]]|issue=286|date=October\u2013December 1991|pages=539\u2013549|jstor=41914720}} - Discusses how the ideals of the French Revolution affected the [[Young Turks]]\r\n* Brinton, Crane. ''A Decade of Revolution 1789\u20131799'' (1934) the Revolution in European context\r\n* [[Suzanne Desan|Desan, Suzanne]], et al. eds. ''The French Revolution in Global Perspective'' (2013)\r\n* Desan, Suzanne. \"Internationalizing the French Revolution,\" ''French Politics, Culture & Society'' (2011) 29#2 pp 137\u2013160.\r\n* Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. ''The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History'' (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)\r\n* Goodwin, A., ed. '' The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 8: The American and French Revolutions, 1763\u201393'' (1965), 764pp\r\n* Grab, Alexander. ''Napoleon and the Transformation of Europe'' (Macmillan, 2003), country by country analysis\r\n* {{cite book |last1=Greenwood |first1=Frank Murray |title=Legacies of Fear: Law and Politics in Quebec in the Era of the French Revolution |publisher=University of Toronto Press |year=1993 |isbn=978-0-8020-6974-0}}\r\n* Mazlish, Bruce. \"The French Revolution in Comparative Perspective,\" ''Political Science Quarterly'' (1970) 85#2 pp. 240\u2013258 [https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/2146945 in JSTOR]\r\n* Mikaberidze, Alexander. \"The Napoleonic Wars: A Global History,\" (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020).\r\n* Palmer, R. R. \"The World Revolution of the West: 1763\u20131801,\" ''Political Science Quarterly'' (1954) 69#1 pp. 1\u201314 [https:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/2145054 in JSTOR]\r\n* Palmer, Robert R. ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760\u20131800.'' (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/read\/22790906 vol 1 online]\r\n* Rapport, Mike, and Peter McPhee. \"The International Repercussions of the French Revolution.\" in ''A Companion to the French Revolution'' (2013) pp: 379\u2013396.\r\n* Ross, Steven T. ''European Diplomatic History, 1789\u20131815: France Against Europe'' (1969)\r\n*{{cite journal|author-link=Gunther E. Rothenberg|last=Rothenberg |first=Gunther E.|title=The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon|journal=[[Journal of Interdisciplinary History]]|volume=18|number=4|date=Spring 1988|pages=771\u201393|jstor=204824|doi=10.2307\/204824 }}\r\n* Rowe, Michael. \"The French revolution, Napoleon, and nationalism in Europe.\" in ''The Oxford handbook of the history of nationalism'' (2013).\r\n* Rude, George F. and Harvey J. Kaye. ''Revolutionary Europe, 1783\u20131815'' (2000), scholarly survey [https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Revolutionary-Europe-Blackwell-Classic-Histories\/dp\/0631221905\/ excerpt and text search]; also [https:\/\/archive.org\/details\/revolutionaryeur00rudg free to borrow full text]\r\n* Schroeder, Paul. ''The Transformation of European Politics, 1763\u20131848.'' 1996; Thorough coverage of diplomatic history; hostile to Napoleon; [https:\/\/www.questia.com\/library\/book\/the-transformation-of-european-politics-1763-1848-by-paul-w-schroeder.jsp online edition]\r\n* Skocpol, Theda. ''States and social revolutions: A comparative analysis of France, Russia and China'' (Cambridge University Press, 1979.) influential sociological comparison\r\n* von Guttner, Darius. \"The French revolution and Europe-its echoes, its influence, its impact.\" ''Agora'' 51.1 (2016): 34\u201342. [https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/profile\/Darius_Von_Guettner2\/publication\/305612507_DVG_FrenchRev_Agora_vol_51_1\/links\/5795574908aed51475d8df97\/DVG-FrenchRev-Agora-vol-51-1.pdf online]\r\n* Zamoyski, Adam., ''Phantom Terror: The Threat of Revolution and the Repression of Liberty, 1789\u20131848'' (London: William Collins, 2014).\r\n\r\n{{French Revolution navbox}}\r\n{{Authority control}}\r\n\r\n[[Category:French Revolution]]\r\n[[Category:Impact of revolutions|French revolution]]\r\n" +}